By Onur Ant
Bloomberg - Jun 30, 2014
Your economics textbook got it all wrong. At least that’s what Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan says. The Turkish leader, 60, is emerging as a global pioneer of putting an untested theory of economics into action. While central bankers around the world, including Turkey’s, have made interest rate decisions based on the textbook assumption that higher rates will work to slow inflation, Erdogan and his administration argue the opposite. “High interest rates are not the result of a high inflation rate, they’re its cause,” Yasin Aktay, head of the foreign relations committee of Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, said by phone from Ankara on June 7. “The premier is talking about the relationship between the two based on scientific facts,” he said, without explaining how Erdogan reached that conclusion.
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Tuesday, July 1, 2014
Monday, June 30, 2014
A Book Review (In Turkish): Uluslararası komplo hikâyelerini kim sevmez?
İPEK YEZDANİ
Radikal - 23.06.2014
Gazetecinin Ölümü, siyasi bir polisiye. Elçin Poyrazlar Washington’daki politika, ticaret ve medya ilişkilerini de deşifre ediyor.
Uluslararası komplo hikâyelerini kim sevmez? Hele bir de işin içinde
siyaset, polisiye, karmaşık bir uluslararası ilişkiler ağı ve bu ağın
etrafında işlenen cinayeti çözmeye çalışan bir Türk gazeteci varsa!
Gazetelerin ve televizyonların yurtdışı temsilciliklerinden her geçen gün daha da kesintiye gittiği ve yurtdışı muhabirlerinin sayısının giderek azaldığı bir dönemde, yıllarca Brüksel’de ve Washington’da çalışmış deneyimli bir gazetecinin, Elçin Poyrazlar’ın Washington’da yazmaya başladığı romanı Gazetecinin Ölümü, yukarıda bahsettiklerimi barındıran sürükleyici bir polisiye.
Poyrazlar,temposunu yitirmeyen bir siyasi polisiye yazmış. Gazetecinin Ölümü, politika, ticaret ve medya ilişkilerini de deşifre ediyor. Öte yandan Poyrazlar’ın romanı her ne kadar kurgu da olsa Washington’da yaşamış ve çalışmış bir gazetecinin gerçek deneyimlerinden izler taşıyor.
GAZETECİNİN ÖLÜMÜ
Elçin Poyrazlar
İthaki Yayınları 2014
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Radikal - 23.06.2014
Gazetecinin Ölümü, siyasi bir polisiye. Elçin Poyrazlar Washington’daki politika, ticaret ve medya ilişkilerini de deşifre ediyor.
Gazetelerin ve televizyonların yurtdışı temsilciliklerinden her geçen gün daha da kesintiye gittiği ve yurtdışı muhabirlerinin sayısının giderek azaldığı bir dönemde, yıllarca Brüksel’de ve Washington’da çalışmış deneyimli bir gazetecinin, Elçin Poyrazlar’ın Washington’da yazmaya başladığı romanı Gazetecinin Ölümü, yukarıda bahsettiklerimi barındıran sürükleyici bir polisiye.
Poyrazlar,temposunu yitirmeyen bir siyasi polisiye yazmış. Gazetecinin Ölümü, politika, ticaret ve medya ilişkilerini de deşifre ediyor. Öte yandan Poyrazlar’ın romanı her ne kadar kurgu da olsa Washington’da yaşamış ve çalışmış bir gazetecinin gerçek deneyimlerinden izler taşıyor.
GAZETECİNİN ÖLÜMÜ
Elçin Poyrazlar
İthaki Yayınları 2014
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Sunday, June 29, 2014
"ÜNİVERSİTELERİNDE BİLİMSEL HIRSIZLIĞIN DOĞAL KARŞILANDIĞI BİR ÜLKENİN ELBETTE TÜM YAŞAM ALANLARI SOYULACAKTIR"
PLAGIARISM - JUNE 28, 2014
Dr Tansu KÜÇÜKÖNCÜ (*) - 60 yıllık Ege Üniversitesi'nin “% 100 ÇALINTI” doktora tezleri : danışman Turgut Öziş'e “KINAMA” cezası
Dr Tansu KÜÇÜKÖNCÜ (*) - 60 yıllık Ege Üniversitesi'nin “% 100 ÇALINTI” doktora tezleri : danışman Turgut Öziş'e “KINAMA” cezası
“Yavuz hırsız, ev sahibini bastırır” misali, Ahmet Yıldırım, ilk kez Aralık 2010'da bir gazetede yaptırdığı “Doçent olmak için daha ne yapsın” başlıklı haberle “5 yılda 270 makale yazan akademisyen”
olarak kendini gündeme getirdi. 2011'in son günü ABD'de karşılıksız
TÜBİTAK bursuyla 1 yıllık bedava akademik tatildeyken, dikkatlerini
çekmeyi başardığı akademik aktivistlerin tepkisiyle sosyal medyada
gündem olunca, tiyatro çevirdi, senaristlik ve oyunculuk becerilerini
sergiledi : internette “intihar mektubu”
yayınladı, medyada gündem oldu. Ve ardından aniden ortadan kayboldu !
Bahar 2012'de Ege Üniversitesi'ndeki sayfası da kayboldu. 2013 sonuna
kadar neredeyse haftada 1 SCI makale yayınlamaya devam etti.
Bahar
2013'te Hollanda'dan Leiden Üniversitesi'nin “Dünya Üniversiteler
Sıralaması”na göre, Ege Üniversitesi, Ahmet Yıldırım'ın 4 yıldaki
110'dan fazla HİLELİ SCI makalesinin etkisiyle, '“Matematik –
Bilgisayar” alanında dünyanın en iyi 2. üniversitesiydi !?... Rektör, sevinç haberleri yaptırdı.
Sıralamayı yapan ekibin başındaki Hollandalı hoca ise, bunu öğrenince
ve ulaşmaya çalıştığı rektörden cevap alamayınca üniversitesinin
internet sitesindeki ekibinin sayfalarında Ege Üniversitesi'ne ve rektörüne ateş püsküren bir yazı yayınladı.
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Akademide bir koltuk – Gökçer Tahincioğlu (Milliyet)
Sendika -
Türkiye’de, akademiye girebilmenin ve orada kalabilmenin kuralları vardır.
Yabancı dil bilmek, ALES’ten yüksek puan almak, not ortalamasını yüksek tutmak, belli konu ve alanlarda uzmanlaşmak dışında kurallar.
Emek gerektirmeyen, şanslı doğup, şanslı bir çevrede büyümeyle elde edilebilecek şanslar.
Önce bir hoca tanıman gerekir misal.
Öğrencisi olup olmamak, usta-çırak ilişkisine girip girmemek değil sözü edilen.
Siz birilerine ömür boyu çıraklık etseniz de birilerinin sizden öncelikli olarak akademiye kabul edilmesine yönelik bir düzen.
O düzeni sürdüreceklerin koltukları işgal ettiği, hiçbir akademik çalışmaya imza atmadan ya da ezberlenmiş kabulleri tekrarlayarak diyelim, kuralları sürdürdüğü, bunları etik kodlarla süslediği bir makyajlı kirlilik.
Ya da hocaları tanıyan hatırlıların telefonu üzerine verilen öncelik.
Akademide yüksek unvanlarla oturulacak bir koltuğun da bedelleri vardır.
Birileri deli gibi çalışır, deli gibi anlatırken görünmez bir uzaklıkta, merkezde kalabilmenin kurallarına aileden vakıf olanlar, o koltuklarda oyunun kurallarını koyanlardır.
READ MORE....
Türkiye’de, akademiye girebilmenin ve orada kalabilmenin kuralları vardır.
Yabancı dil bilmek, ALES’ten yüksek puan almak, not ortalamasını yüksek tutmak, belli konu ve alanlarda uzmanlaşmak dışında kurallar.
Emek gerektirmeyen, şanslı doğup, şanslı bir çevrede büyümeyle elde edilebilecek şanslar.
Önce bir hoca tanıman gerekir misal.
Öğrencisi olup olmamak, usta-çırak ilişkisine girip girmemek değil sözü edilen.
Siz birilerine ömür boyu çıraklık etseniz de birilerinin sizden öncelikli olarak akademiye kabul edilmesine yönelik bir düzen.
O düzeni sürdüreceklerin koltukları işgal ettiği, hiçbir akademik çalışmaya imza atmadan ya da ezberlenmiş kabulleri tekrarlayarak diyelim, kuralları sürdürdüğü, bunları etik kodlarla süslediği bir makyajlı kirlilik.
Ya da hocaları tanıyan hatırlıların telefonu üzerine verilen öncelik.
Akademide yüksek unvanlarla oturulacak bir koltuğun da bedelleri vardır.
Birileri deli gibi çalışır, deli gibi anlatırken görünmez bir uzaklıkta, merkezde kalabilmenin kurallarına aileden vakıf olanlar, o koltuklarda oyunun kurallarını koyanlardır.
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Saturday, June 28, 2014
Turkey ready to accept Kurdish state in historic shift
By Daniel Dombey in Ankara
Financial Times - June 27, 2014
Turkey’s ruling party has signalled it is ready to accept an independent Kurdish state in what is now northern Iraq, marking a historic shift by one of the heavyweight powers of the Middle East.
“In Turkey, even the word ‘Kurdistan’ makes people nervous, but their name is Kurdistan,” he added. “If Iraq is divided and it is inevitable, they are our brothers . . . Unfortunately, the situation in Iraq is not good and it looks like it is going to be divided.”
This week, Avigdor Lieberman, Israel’s foreign minister, also told John Kerry, the US secretary of state, that the creation of an independent Kurdish state was a foregone conclusion.
READ MORE.....
Financial Times - June 27, 2014
Turkey’s ruling party has signalled it is ready to accept an independent Kurdish state in what is now northern Iraq, marking a historic shift by one of the heavyweight powers of the Middle East.
“In the past an independent Kurdish state was a reason for war [for Turkey] but no one has the right to say this now,” Huseyin Celik, spokesman for the ruling AK party, told the Financial Times.
“In Turkey, even the word ‘Kurdistan’ makes people nervous, but their name is Kurdistan,” he added. “If Iraq is divided and it is inevitable, they are our brothers . . . Unfortunately, the situation in Iraq is not good and it looks like it is going to be divided.”
This week, Avigdor Lieberman, Israel’s foreign minister, also told John Kerry, the US secretary of state, that the creation of an independent Kurdish state was a foregone conclusion.
READ MORE.....
Thursday, June 26, 2014
Turkish glass workers striking for better pay
INDUSTRIALL GLOBAL UNION - Jun 23, 2014
Around 6,000 workers at Turkey’s biggest glass producer, Sisecam, went on strike at ten of the company’s factories after wage negotiations fell short of expectations.
After months of collective bargaining, IndustriALL Global Union’s Turkish affiliate Kristal-Is, representing Sisecam Company workers, called a strike on 20 June 2014.
The strike was announced in reply to the poor offer of the top glass producer of the world suggesting 11.79 per cent hike, barely reaching the half of 23.12 per cent increase demanded by the union.
Kristal-Is wants to improve wages for lower paid and newly employed workers. So far the company has refused to meet workers’ demands preferring to face a strike, which has already paralysed Sisecam production in six provinces of the country.
READ MORE.....
Around 6,000 workers at Turkey’s biggest glass producer, Sisecam, went on strike at ten of the company’s factories after wage negotiations fell short of expectations.
After months of collective bargaining, IndustriALL Global Union’s Turkish affiliate Kristal-Is, representing Sisecam Company workers, called a strike on 20 June 2014.
The strike was announced in reply to the poor offer of the top glass producer of the world suggesting 11.79 per cent hike, barely reaching the half of 23.12 per cent increase demanded by the union.
Kristal-Is wants to improve wages for lower paid and newly employed workers. So far the company has refused to meet workers’ demands preferring to face a strike, which has already paralysed Sisecam production in six provinces of the country.
READ MORE.....
A New Issue of INSIGHT TURKEY
INSIGHT TURKEY (Vol. 16, Number: 2; 2014)
CONTENTS
Commentaries
A Quick Glance at the History of Elections in Turkey
IBRAHIM DALMIS
The AK Party: Dominant Party, New Turkey and Polarization
E. FUAT KEYMAN
The Structural Causes of Political Crisis in Turkey
OSMAN CAN
Strengths and Constraints of Turkish Policy in the South Caucasus
BAYRAM BALCI
Elections in Iraq: What Does the Future Hold?
RAN JALAALDIN
Hezbollah and Syria: From Regime Proxy to Regime Savior
RANDA SLIM
The Impact of the "New" Zero Problems Policy and the Arab Spring on the Relations between Turkey and Lebanese Factions
MUSTAFA YETIM and BILAL HAMADE
Articles
The Longest Year of Turkish Politics: 2014
TAHA OZHAN
One Down, Two More to Go: Electoral Trends in the Aftermath of the March 2014 Municipality Elections
ALI CARKOGLU
The 2014 Local Elections in Turkey: A Victory for Identity Politics
HATEM ETE
The Republican People's Party and the 2014 Local Elections in Turkey
MUSTAFA ALTUNOGLU
Syria: The Hope and Challenges of Mediation
MAHMOOD MONSHIPOURI and ERICH WIEGER
The Crimean Crisis in the Context of New Russian Geopolitics
OKAN YESILOT
Japan and Turkey: The Contours and Current Status of an Economic Partnership/Free Trade Agreement
SCOTT MORRISON
Book reviews
Orhan Pamuk, Secularism and Blasphemy: The Politics of the Turkish Nove
ERDAĞ GÖKNAR, REVIEWED BY MICHAEL MCGAHA, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 197
Ottoman Izmir: The Rise of a Cosmopolitan Port, 1840-1880
SIBEL ZANDI-SAYEK, REVIEWED BY ELENI BASTÉA, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 199
Sovereignty After Empire: Comparing the Middle East and Central Asia
SALLY CUMMINGS and RAYMOND HINNEBUSCH, REVIEWED BY GÜL BERNA ÖZCAN, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 201
Fathers and Sons: The Rise and Fall of Political Dynasty in the Middle East
M.E. MCMILLAN, REVIEWED BY ÖMER ASLAN, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 204
Revolution and Reform in Russia and Iran: Modernisation and Politics in Revolutionary States
GHONCHEH TAZMINI, REVIEWED BY DAVID RAMIN JALILVAND, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 206
Muslim Minorities and Citizenship: Authority, Communities and Islamic Law
SEAN OLIVE-DEE, REVIEWED BY ANNE SOFIE ROALD, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 209
Dynamics of Energy Governance in Europe and Russia
CAROLINE KUZMENKO, ANDREI V. BELYI, ANDREAS GOLDTHAU and MICHAEL F. KEATING, REVIEWED BY SREEMATI GANGULI, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 211
Picknick mit den Paschas: Aleppo und die levantinische Handelsfirma Fratelli Poche (1853-1880)
MAFALDA ADE, REVIEWED BY METIN ATMACA, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 213
The Story of Islamic Philosophy
SALMAN H. BASHIER, REVIEWED BY SAJJAD H. RIZVI, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 215
Principles of Islamic International Criminal Law: A Comparative Search
FARHAD MALEKIAN, REVIEWED BY AYŞEGÜL ÇIMEN, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 217
Filistin Politikamız: Camp David’den Mavi Marmara’ya
ERKAN ERTOSUN, REVIEWED BY SALIM ÇEVIK, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 219
CONTENTS
Commentaries
A Quick Glance at the History of Elections in Turkey
IBRAHIM DALMIS
The AK Party: Dominant Party, New Turkey and Polarization
E. FUAT KEYMAN
The Structural Causes of Political Crisis in Turkey
OSMAN CAN
Strengths and Constraints of Turkish Policy in the South Caucasus
BAYRAM BALCI
Elections in Iraq: What Does the Future Hold?
RAN JALAALDIN
Hezbollah and Syria: From Regime Proxy to Regime Savior
RANDA SLIM
The Impact of the "New" Zero Problems Policy and the Arab Spring on the Relations between Turkey and Lebanese Factions
MUSTAFA YETIM and BILAL HAMADE
Articles
The Longest Year of Turkish Politics: 2014
TAHA OZHAN
One Down, Two More to Go: Electoral Trends in the Aftermath of the March 2014 Municipality Elections
ALI CARKOGLU
The 2014 Local Elections in Turkey: A Victory for Identity Politics
HATEM ETE
The Republican People's Party and the 2014 Local Elections in Turkey
MUSTAFA ALTUNOGLU
Syria: The Hope and Challenges of Mediation
MAHMOOD MONSHIPOURI and ERICH WIEGER
The Crimean Crisis in the Context of New Russian Geopolitics
OKAN YESILOT
Japan and Turkey: The Contours and Current Status of an Economic Partnership/Free Trade Agreement
SCOTT MORRISON
Book reviews
Orhan Pamuk, Secularism and Blasphemy: The Politics of the Turkish Nove
ERDAĞ GÖKNAR, REVIEWED BY MICHAEL MCGAHA, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 197
Ottoman Izmir: The Rise of a Cosmopolitan Port, 1840-1880
SIBEL ZANDI-SAYEK, REVIEWED BY ELENI BASTÉA, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 199
Sovereignty After Empire: Comparing the Middle East and Central Asia
SALLY CUMMINGS and RAYMOND HINNEBUSCH, REVIEWED BY GÜL BERNA ÖZCAN, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 201
Fathers and Sons: The Rise and Fall of Political Dynasty in the Middle East
M.E. MCMILLAN, REVIEWED BY ÖMER ASLAN, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 204
Revolution and Reform in Russia and Iran: Modernisation and Politics in Revolutionary States
GHONCHEH TAZMINI, REVIEWED BY DAVID RAMIN JALILVAND, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 206
Muslim Minorities and Citizenship: Authority, Communities and Islamic Law
SEAN OLIVE-DEE, REVIEWED BY ANNE SOFIE ROALD, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 209
Dynamics of Energy Governance in Europe and Russia
CAROLINE KUZMENKO, ANDREI V. BELYI, ANDREAS GOLDTHAU and MICHAEL F. KEATING, REVIEWED BY SREEMATI GANGULI, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 211
Picknick mit den Paschas: Aleppo und die levantinische Handelsfirma Fratelli Poche (1853-1880)
MAFALDA ADE, REVIEWED BY METIN ATMACA, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 213
The Story of Islamic Philosophy
SALMAN H. BASHIER, REVIEWED BY SAJJAD H. RIZVI, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 215
Principles of Islamic International Criminal Law: A Comparative Search
FARHAD MALEKIAN, REVIEWED BY AYŞEGÜL ÇIMEN, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 217
Filistin Politikamız: Camp David’den Mavi Marmara’ya
ERKAN ERTOSUN, REVIEWED BY SALIM ÇEVIK, Insight Turkey, Vol. 16 / No. 2 / 2014, p. 219
Thursday, June 19, 2014
A New Book: Social Unrest and American Military Bases in Turkey and Germany since 1945
By Amy Austin Holmes
Cambridge University Press, June 2014
Over the past century, the United States has created a global network of
military bases. While the force structure offers protection to U.S.
allies, it maintains the threat of violence toward others, both creating
and undermining security. Amy Austin Holmes argues that the
relationship between the U.S. military presence and the non-U.S.
citizens under its security umbrella is inherently contradictory. She
suggests that the while the host population may be fully enfranchised
citizens of their own government, they are at the same time
disenfranchised vis-à-vis the U.S. presence. This study introduces the
concept of the “protectariat” as they are defined not by their
relationship to the means of production, but rather by their
relationship to the means of violence. Focusing on Germany and Turkey,
Holmes finds remarkable parallels in the types of social protest that
occurred in both countries, particularly non-violent civil disobedience,
labor strikes of base workers, violent attacks and kidnappings, and
opposition parties in the parliaments.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction: the global American military presence in comparative perspective
2. Social unrest and the American military presence in Turkey during the Cold War
3. Social unrest and the American military presence in Germany during the Cold War
4. From shield to sword: the end of the Cold War to the invasion of Iraq
5. Conclusion: losing ground.
TO PURCHASE THE BOOK......
Cambridge University Press, June 2014
Table of Contents
1. Introduction: the global American military presence in comparative perspective
2. Social unrest and the American military presence in Turkey during the Cold War
3. Social unrest and the American military presence in Germany during the Cold War
4. From shield to sword: the end of the Cold War to the invasion of Iraq
5. Conclusion: losing ground.
TO PURCHASE THE BOOK......
When Yankees Don’t Go Home: Exploring the Effects of U.S. Military Presence in Germany and Turkey
BY Wendy Lawton
WATSON INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
When sociologist Amy Austin Holmes was at the Free University of Berlin, getting a master’s degree in political science, the reminders of America’s occupation were everywhere. In West Berlin alone there was the John F. Kennedy School, and Checkpoint Charlie, and vintage signs that still ominously announced “YOU ARE LEAVING THE AMERICAN SECTOR.”
Right on campus, an old Army barracks had been converted into a dormitory. Her mind turned. Why did so much attention get paid to American military policy, but not the military’s physical presence on foreign soil? Where are U.S. troops stationed, and what impact do these soldiers have on the countries they’re meant to protect?
These questions led to her doctoral dissertation and, now, a book and a film produced by this Watson postdoctoral fellow.
Social Unrest and American Military Bases in Turkey and Germany since 1945 will be released this month from Cambridge University Press. Occupy Turkey: Resistance in Baseworld, a 67-minute documentary and a companion to the book, previewed at Watson in April, and will be screened throughout the Middle East this fall.
READ MORE.....
WATSON INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
When sociologist Amy Austin Holmes was at the Free University of Berlin, getting a master’s degree in political science, the reminders of America’s occupation were everywhere. In West Berlin alone there was the John F. Kennedy School, and Checkpoint Charlie, and vintage signs that still ominously announced “YOU ARE LEAVING THE AMERICAN SECTOR.”
Right on campus, an old Army barracks had been converted into a dormitory. Her mind turned. Why did so much attention get paid to American military policy, but not the military’s physical presence on foreign soil? Where are U.S. troops stationed, and what impact do these soldiers have on the countries they’re meant to protect?
These questions led to her doctoral dissertation and, now, a book and a film produced by this Watson postdoctoral fellow.
Social Unrest and American Military Bases in Turkey and Germany since 1945 will be released this month from Cambridge University Press. Occupy Turkey: Resistance in Baseworld, a 67-minute documentary and a companion to the book, previewed at Watson in April, and will be screened throughout the Middle East this fall.
READ MORE.....
Saturday, June 14, 2014
Fifth Annual Conference on Turkey, Middle East Institute, June 16, 2014
The Center for Turkish Studies at The Middle East Institute presents its Fifth Annual Conference on Turkey. This year the conference will assemble three exceptional panels to discuss the country's tumultuous domestic politics following recent elections, the future of democracy in the country, and Turkish foreign policy. The event will feature a keynote speech by Efkan Ala, Turkey's Minister of the Interior.
Location: National Press Club 529 14th Street, NW 13th Floor Washington District of Columbia 20 045
PROGRAM:
Location: National Press Club 529 14th Street, NW 13th Floor Washington District of Columbia 20 045
PROGRAM:
PANEL 1: The Future of Turkish Democracy
9:00 - 10:30am
9:00 - 10:30am
- Jim Zanotti, Congressional Research Service (Moderator)
- Burhanettin Duran, General Coordinator of SETA Istanbul
- Etyen Mahçupyan, Columnist
- Omer Taspınar, National Defense University, Brookings
- additional panelists pending
Keynote Speaker: Efkan Ala, Minister of the Interior, Turkey
10:45 - 11:30am
10:45 - 11:30am
PANEL 2: Turkish Foreign Policy in an Age of Uncertainty
11:45am - 1:15pm
11:45am - 1:15pm
- Kim Ghattas, BBC (Moderator)
- Amb. Robert Ford, The Middle East Institute
- Ibrahim Kalın, Chief Advisor to Turkey's Prime Minister
- Amb. Robert Pearson, former ambassador to Turkey
- Judith Yaphe, Elliott School at George Washington University
Lunch 1:15 - 2:00pm
Keynote Speaker: Amanda Sloat, Deputy
Assistant Secretary for Southern Europe and Eastern Mediterranean
Affairs, U.S. State Department
2:00 - 2:30pm
2:00 - 2:30pm
PANEL 3: Turkey's Domestic Landscape: A Glance at the Kurdish Issue
3:00 - 4:30pm
3:00 - 4:30pm
- Sirwan Kajjo, Middle East Research and Information Project (Moderator)
- Yasin Aktay, AK Party Vice President for External Affairs
- Gönül Tol, The Middle East Institute
- Ali Murat Yel, Editor-in-Chief of Turkey Agenda
- Mehmet Yüksel, Pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party's DC Representative
Turkey's December 17 Process: A Timeline of the Graft Investigation and the Government's Response
Compiled by Hendrik Müller
The Turkey Analyst - June 12, 2014
On December 17, 2013, an arrest wave targeted high officials in the Turkish government and their families. Fifty-two people were detained on accusations of accepting and facilitating bribes for state projects and receiving construction permits for protected areas in exchange for money. The accused included the sons of three cabinet members, businessmen, officials and the mayor of the Fatih district in Istanbul from the Justice and Development Party (AKP). The arrest wave is now known in Turkey as the “December 17 process”, marking the fact that this date formed a milestone, or watershed, in Turkish politics. It has led to a bewildering series of events that defy common assumptions about Turkey. Indeed, following this watershed, Turkey’s primary political fault line is now within the Islamic conservative movement, pitting the Prime Minister against the Fethullah Gülen movement, whom Erdoğan blames for the arrest wave – and for the subsequent massive leaks of private communications, including the Prime Minister’s own phone conversations. And whereas the secularist main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) had long been at extremely critical of the Gülen movement, it now seemed to enter into a tactical alliance with the movement against Erdoğan’s AKP. As for Erdoğan, he had held up the domestication of the Turkish military as one of his main achievements in power. But in response to the perceived onslaught from the Gülen movement, Erdoğan now entered into a tactical alliance of his own with the top brass against the Gülen movement, and overturned the sentences of numerous officers jailed on coup-plotting charges. But developments in the December 17 process have not only been byzantine; they have included serious changes to Turkey’s legal system. Not least, there have been important confrontations between the executive and the judiciary over a restrictive internet law, as well as on a law strengthening the powers of the National Intelligence Organization (MİT). Even seasoned Turkey watchers are at pains to follow the dizzying pace of events in Turkey. Therefore, the Joint Center resolved to provide a timeline of key events to facilitate understanding of the unfolding situation. This timeline will be updated periodically, and thus several versions of the document will be available. The current version was updated on June 13, 2014. Of course, the Joint Center welcomes suggestions on items we have omitted in the current timeline.
READ MORE AND DOWNLOAD THE REPORT.....
The Turkey Analyst - June 12, 2014
On December 17, 2013, an arrest wave targeted high officials in the Turkish government and their families. Fifty-two people were detained on accusations of accepting and facilitating bribes for state projects and receiving construction permits for protected areas in exchange for money. The accused included the sons of three cabinet members, businessmen, officials and the mayor of the Fatih district in Istanbul from the Justice and Development Party (AKP). The arrest wave is now known in Turkey as the “December 17 process”, marking the fact that this date formed a milestone, or watershed, in Turkish politics. It has led to a bewildering series of events that defy common assumptions about Turkey. Indeed, following this watershed, Turkey’s primary political fault line is now within the Islamic conservative movement, pitting the Prime Minister against the Fethullah Gülen movement, whom Erdoğan blames for the arrest wave – and for the subsequent massive leaks of private communications, including the Prime Minister’s own phone conversations. And whereas the secularist main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) had long been at extremely critical of the Gülen movement, it now seemed to enter into a tactical alliance with the movement against Erdoğan’s AKP. As for Erdoğan, he had held up the domestication of the Turkish military as one of his main achievements in power. But in response to the perceived onslaught from the Gülen movement, Erdoğan now entered into a tactical alliance of his own with the top brass against the Gülen movement, and overturned the sentences of numerous officers jailed on coup-plotting charges. But developments in the December 17 process have not only been byzantine; they have included serious changes to Turkey’s legal system. Not least, there have been important confrontations between the executive and the judiciary over a restrictive internet law, as well as on a law strengthening the powers of the National Intelligence Organization (MİT). Even seasoned Turkey watchers are at pains to follow the dizzying pace of events in Turkey. Therefore, the Joint Center resolved to provide a timeline of key events to facilitate understanding of the unfolding situation. This timeline will be updated periodically, and thus several versions of the document will be available. The current version was updated on June 13, 2014. Of course, the Joint Center welcomes suggestions on items we have omitted in the current timeline.
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Monday, June 9, 2014
A Legal Alien: Working at State as a Turkish Diplomat
A Transatlantic Diplomatic Exchange Fellow from Ankara discovers more similarities than he expected when he spends a year in Foggy Bottom.
BY ÖMER MURAT
American Foreign Service Association - June 2014
However long my career as a Turkish diplomat lasts, I will always cherish my year (2011-2012) at the U.S. Department of State with the Transatlantic Diplomatic Exchange Fellowship Program. This unique program allows diplomats from NATO and the European Union to work at State for a year. The Turkish Foreign Ministry highly values this opportunity for its diplomats to experience the U.S. foreign policymaking process from the inside, and to facilitate better relations between our two countries.
Excited as I was to be assigned to such an important program, I must confess that I had no real idea just how challenging—and rewarding—an experience it would be. It took longer than I expected to overcome a difficult-to-explain sense that I was some sort of impostor—a feeling exacerbated whenever I met someone who treated me as one of his or her “ordinary” American colleagues. In fact, many of my State Department colleagues were genuinely surprised to learn I am a Turkish diplomat, especially those who had never before met a Transatlantic Diplomatic Fellow.
READ MORE.......
BY ÖMER MURAT
American Foreign Service Association - June 2014
However long my career as a Turkish diplomat lasts, I will always cherish my year (2011-2012) at the U.S. Department of State with the Transatlantic Diplomatic Exchange Fellowship Program. This unique program allows diplomats from NATO and the European Union to work at State for a year. The Turkish Foreign Ministry highly values this opportunity for its diplomats to experience the U.S. foreign policymaking process from the inside, and to facilitate better relations between our two countries.
Excited as I was to be assigned to such an important program, I must confess that I had no real idea just how challenging—and rewarding—an experience it would be. It took longer than I expected to overcome a difficult-to-explain sense that I was some sort of impostor—a feeling exacerbated whenever I met someone who treated me as one of his or her “ordinary” American colleagues. In fact, many of my State Department colleagues were genuinely surprised to learn I am a Turkish diplomat, especially those who had never before met a Transatlantic Diplomatic Fellow.
READ MORE.......
Turkey’s Political Islam and the West: The Evolving Nature of a Relationship
by Galip Dalay
The German Marshall Fund of the United States,
On Turkey Series
June 2, 2014
Summary: The approach to “the West” occupied a central place in Turkish Political Islam’s identity formulation and distinguished them from other “systemic” parties. Nevertheless, Turkish Political Islam’s stance on the “West” has not been static. Instead, the character of the relations has acquired new shapes and dynamism, particularly in the late 1990s and 2000s. For a better understanding of the evolution, it is necessary to divide the time-span from the Welfare Party to the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) into distinguishable periods. These periods can be described as going from rejection of political Islam of the West to its enthusiastic embrace, and from co-existence to uncertainty. Currently, opposing trends have been set in motion simultaneously, and ambiguity rules Turkey’s relations with the West.
READ THE FULL REPORT.....
The German Marshall Fund of the United States,
On Turkey Series
June 2, 2014
Summary: The approach to “the West” occupied a central place in Turkish Political Islam’s identity formulation and distinguished them from other “systemic” parties. Nevertheless, Turkish Political Islam’s stance on the “West” has not been static. Instead, the character of the relations has acquired new shapes and dynamism, particularly in the late 1990s and 2000s. For a better understanding of the evolution, it is necessary to divide the time-span from the Welfare Party to the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) into distinguishable periods. These periods can be described as going from rejection of political Islam of the West to its enthusiastic embrace, and from co-existence to uncertainty. Currently, opposing trends have been set in motion simultaneously, and ambiguity rules Turkey’s relations with the West.
READ THE FULL REPORT.....
Tuesday, June 3, 2014
WORKSHOP: INTRODUCTION TO TURKISH-AMERICAN STUDIES - JUNE 6-7, 2014 ISTANBUL
Introduction to Turkish-American Studies
Boğaziçi University Alumni Association Building
June 6-7, 2014
Workshop Program
Introduction to TurkishAmerican Studies Boğaziçi University Alumni Association Building June 67, 2014
organized by the Cultural Studies Association of Turkey
Thursday, 5 June
18:00—Drinks at the Bebek Hotel Bar
Friday, 6 June
9:00 to 17:00—Workshop registration
10:00—Opening Remarks
Cash bar
Oya Başak (Boğaziçi University)
Gönül Pultar (Cultural Studies Association of Turkey) Louis Mazzari (Boğaziçi University)
5minute break
10:35 to 11: 35—Keynote Speech I
Chair: Belma Baskett (International Society for Theatre and Literature) Justin McCarthy (University of Louisville), “The Turk in America”
11:35 to 11:50—Coffee break
11:50 to 13:20—Session I
“TurkishAmerican Relations”
Chair: Emine O. İncirlioğlu (Maltepe University)
Pınar DostNiyego (Atlantic Council Istanbul Office), “History of TurkishAmerican Relations”
Işıl Acehan (İpek University), “Impact of Ottoman Immigration on TurkishAmerican Relations”
Louis Mazzari (Boğaziçi University), “A Palazzo on the Bosphorus: The American Embassy in Beyoğlu”
13:20 to 14:30—Lunch hour
14:30 to 16:30—Session II
“The Ottoman Legacy”
Chair: Gönül Bakay (Bahçeşehir University)
Erin Hyde Nolan (Boston University), “Eyes Wide Shut: Images of Istanbul in Mark Twain's Innocents Abroad”
Bahar Gürsel (Middle East Technical University), “Letters from Abroad to Kindred at Home: Catherine Maria Sedgwick’s Ideas about the Old World and the Ottoman Empire”
Cafer Sarıkaya (Boğaziçi University), “Ottoman Participation in the 1893 Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition”
Emrah Şahin (University of Florida), “‘Terrible Turk Beaten’: Fighting the Turkish Athletes during the Progressive Era”
16:30 to 16:45—Coffee break
16:45 to 17:45—Session III “TurkishAmerican Associations” Chair: Selhan Endres (Kadir Has University)
Zeynep Kılıç (University of Alaska) “Organizational Interpretations of Belonging and Identity Politics of Incorporation among Turkish American Associations in New York”
Alice Leri (University of South Carolina), “A Study of ATAA (Assembly of Turkish American Associations)”
18:00 to 20:00—Cultural Studies Association Reception at Kennedy Lodge (Boğaziçi University)
Saturday, 7 June
9:00 to 17:00—Workshop registration
9:00 to 11:00—Keynote Speeches II
Chair: Louis Mazzari (Boğaziçi University)
Sabri Sayarı (Bahçeşehir University), “Turkish Studies in the USA”
Kemal Sılay (Indiana University), “Deconstructing Kemalism, Celebrating ‘Diversity’: American Academia’s Contributions to Islamist Dystopia in Turkey”
11:00 to 11:15—Coffee break
11:15 to 12:15—Session IV “Turkish Studies in the USA”page2image14608 page2image14768 page2image14928 page2image15088 page2image15248
Chair: Clifford Endres (Kadir Has University)
Tuğrul Keskin, “Orientalism to NeoOrientalism in Modern Turkish Studies”
Brian T. Edwards, “What's in a Hyphen?: Between Turkish American Studies and TurkishAmerican Studies”
12:15 to 13:30—Lunch hour
13:30 to 15:30—Session V
“Immigration, Identity Formation, Diaspora”
Chair: Dilek Doltaş (Boğaziçi University)
Fazia Meberbeche (Abu Bakr Belkaid University of TlemcenAlgeria), “The Turkish Diaspora in the United States: Immigration and Identity Formation”
Müzeyyen Güler (Mimar Sinan University of Fine Arts), “The Second Generation of Turks who Migrated to America”
İlke Şanlıer Yüksel (Doğuş University), “We’re Still Living the Journey”: Media in the Daily Lives of Immigrants from Turkey”
Tahire Erman (Bilkent University), “Turkish Tailors Establishing Themselves in American Society: Experiences of ‘Lower Class’ Immigrants”
15:30 to 15:45—Coffee break
15:45 to 17:45—Session VI
“TurkishAmerican Art and Artists”
Chair: Oya Başak (Boğaziçi University)
Belma Baskett (International Society for Theatre and Literature), “A Brief Look at the Literature about the Turkish Immigration to the United States of America and the Hitherto Unrecorded Story of Osman and Timur”
Elena Furlanetto (Dortmund Technical University), “An Implausible Juncture? Locating Turkish Literature in an American Frame”
Elif Huntürk (Bilkent University), “Building up a New Identity through Music: The Case of Ahmet Ertegün”
H. Alper Maral (Yıldız University), “Bülent Arel and İlhan Mimaroğlu: Two Turkish Pioneers of Electronic Music Tuning the United States to the New World of Sounds”
17:45 to 18:00—Closing remarks / Wrapup session
Chair: Gönül Pultar
19:30—Dinner at the Baltalimanı İstanbul University Faculty Restaurant
Boğaziçi University Alumni Association Building
June 6-7, 2014
Workshop Program
Introduction to TurkishAmerican Studies Boğaziçi University Alumni Association Building June 67, 2014
organized by the Cultural Studies Association of Turkey
Thursday, 5 June
18:00—Drinks at the Bebek Hotel Bar
Friday, 6 June
9:00 to 17:00—Workshop registration
10:00—Opening Remarks
Cash bar
Oya Başak (Boğaziçi University)
Gönül Pultar (Cultural Studies Association of Turkey) Louis Mazzari (Boğaziçi University)
5minute break
10:35 to 11: 35—Keynote Speech I
Chair: Belma Baskett (International Society for Theatre and Literature) Justin McCarthy (University of Louisville), “The Turk in America”
11:35 to 11:50—Coffee break
11:50 to 13:20—Session I
“TurkishAmerican Relations”
Chair: Emine O. İncirlioğlu (Maltepe University)
Pınar DostNiyego (Atlantic Council Istanbul Office), “History of TurkishAmerican Relations”
Işıl Acehan (İpek University), “Impact of Ottoman Immigration on TurkishAmerican Relations”
Louis Mazzari (Boğaziçi University), “A Palazzo on the Bosphorus: The American Embassy in Beyoğlu”
13:20 to 14:30—Lunch hour
14:30 to 16:30—Session II
“The Ottoman Legacy”
Chair: Gönül Bakay (Bahçeşehir University)
Erin Hyde Nolan (Boston University), “Eyes Wide Shut: Images of Istanbul in Mark Twain's Innocents Abroad”
Bahar Gürsel (Middle East Technical University), “Letters from Abroad to Kindred at Home: Catherine Maria Sedgwick’s Ideas about the Old World and the Ottoman Empire”
Cafer Sarıkaya (Boğaziçi University), “Ottoman Participation in the 1893 Chicago World’s Columbian Exposition”
Emrah Şahin (University of Florida), “‘Terrible Turk Beaten’: Fighting the Turkish Athletes during the Progressive Era”
16:30 to 16:45—Coffee break
16:45 to 17:45—Session III “TurkishAmerican Associations” Chair: Selhan Endres (Kadir Has University)
Zeynep Kılıç (University of Alaska) “Organizational Interpretations of Belonging and Identity Politics of Incorporation among Turkish American Associations in New York”
Alice Leri (University of South Carolina), “A Study of ATAA (Assembly of Turkish American Associations)”
18:00 to 20:00—Cultural Studies Association Reception at Kennedy Lodge (Boğaziçi University)
Saturday, 7 June
9:00 to 17:00—Workshop registration
9:00 to 11:00—Keynote Speeches II
Chair: Louis Mazzari (Boğaziçi University)
Sabri Sayarı (Bahçeşehir University), “Turkish Studies in the USA”
Kemal Sılay (Indiana University), “Deconstructing Kemalism, Celebrating ‘Diversity’: American Academia’s Contributions to Islamist Dystopia in Turkey”
11:00 to 11:15—Coffee break
11:15 to 12:15—Session IV “Turkish Studies in the USA”page2image14608 page2image14768 page2image14928 page2image15088 page2image15248
Chair: Clifford Endres (Kadir Has University)
Tuğrul Keskin, “Orientalism to NeoOrientalism in Modern Turkish Studies”
Brian T. Edwards, “What's in a Hyphen?: Between Turkish American Studies and TurkishAmerican Studies”
12:15 to 13:30—Lunch hour
13:30 to 15:30—Session V
“Immigration, Identity Formation, Diaspora”
Chair: Dilek Doltaş (Boğaziçi University)
Fazia Meberbeche (Abu Bakr Belkaid University of TlemcenAlgeria), “The Turkish Diaspora in the United States: Immigration and Identity Formation”
Müzeyyen Güler (Mimar Sinan University of Fine Arts), “The Second Generation of Turks who Migrated to America”
İlke Şanlıer Yüksel (Doğuş University), “We’re Still Living the Journey”: Media in the Daily Lives of Immigrants from Turkey”
Tahire Erman (Bilkent University), “Turkish Tailors Establishing Themselves in American Society: Experiences of ‘Lower Class’ Immigrants”
15:30 to 15:45—Coffee break
15:45 to 17:45—Session VI
“TurkishAmerican Art and Artists”
Chair: Oya Başak (Boğaziçi University)
Belma Baskett (International Society for Theatre and Literature), “A Brief Look at the Literature about the Turkish Immigration to the United States of America and the Hitherto Unrecorded Story of Osman and Timur”
Elena Furlanetto (Dortmund Technical University), “An Implausible Juncture? Locating Turkish Literature in an American Frame”
Elif Huntürk (Bilkent University), “Building up a New Identity through Music: The Case of Ahmet Ertegün”
H. Alper Maral (Yıldız University), “Bülent Arel and İlhan Mimaroğlu: Two Turkish Pioneers of Electronic Music Tuning the United States to the New World of Sounds”
17:45 to 18:00—Closing remarks / Wrapup session
Chair: Gönül Pultar
19:30—Dinner at the Baltalimanı İstanbul University Faculty Restaurant
Thursday, May 29, 2014
The AKP’s working class support base explains why the Turkish government has managed to retain its popularity during the country’s protests
Erik R. Tillman – DePaul University
The London School of Economics and Political Science - May 29, 2014
A number of anti-government protests have taken place in Turkey over the past year. Erik R. Tillman assesses the dynamics underpinning support for the ruling AKP government and its main opposition, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), during the unrest. He notes that although AKP has parallels with mainstream centre-right parties in Europe, its support base is built on working-class voters. He argues that as the protests largely articulated concerns associated with middle class voters, this ‘ideological reversal’ has so far helped to protect the AKP electorally. Nevertheless, the dynamics of the most recent protests over the mining disaster in Soma could pose a threat to the governing party as they are closely associated with its core working class support base.
During the past year, the government of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has faced a series of protests over its increasingly authoritarian style of governance and a series of scandals regarding alleged high-level corruption. However, Erdoğan does not appear to have lost significant popular support. In municipal elections on 30 March, his Justice and Development Party (AKP) won a comfortable plurality of the national vote.
How has the Erdoğan government retained its popularity in the face of these protests? An examination of the nature of mass party support in Turkey shows a reversed relationship between the apparent ideology of each major party and the social base of its support. The Gezi Park protests and subsequent outrage over alleged corruption have largely reflected the middle-class concerns of opposition supporters and have thus failed to shift the attitudes of many government supporters. If public outrage over the recent Soma mine disaster lingers, it could provide a more credible threat to the government’s popularity by shifting the attitudes of a core group of AKP voters.
In contemporary Turkish politics, there is little congruence between the stated ideologies of the two largest parties and their actual bases of mass support. The governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) describes itself as a conservative democratic party and is affiliated with the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists. Conversely, the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) describes itself as a social democratic party and is affiliated with the Party of European Socialists. Normally, one would expect the AKP to have more support among middle class voters and the CHP to derive most of its support from working class voters. Virtually the opposite is true.
READ MORE.....
The London School of Economics and Political Science - May 29, 2014
A number of anti-government protests have taken place in Turkey over the past year. Erik R. Tillman assesses the dynamics underpinning support for the ruling AKP government and its main opposition, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), during the unrest. He notes that although AKP has parallels with mainstream centre-right parties in Europe, its support base is built on working-class voters. He argues that as the protests largely articulated concerns associated with middle class voters, this ‘ideological reversal’ has so far helped to protect the AKP electorally. Nevertheless, the dynamics of the most recent protests over the mining disaster in Soma could pose a threat to the governing party as they are closely associated with its core working class support base.
During the past year, the government of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has faced a series of protests over its increasingly authoritarian style of governance and a series of scandals regarding alleged high-level corruption. However, Erdoğan does not appear to have lost significant popular support. In municipal elections on 30 March, his Justice and Development Party (AKP) won a comfortable plurality of the national vote.
How has the Erdoğan government retained its popularity in the face of these protests? An examination of the nature of mass party support in Turkey shows a reversed relationship between the apparent ideology of each major party and the social base of its support. The Gezi Park protests and subsequent outrage over alleged corruption have largely reflected the middle-class concerns of opposition supporters and have thus failed to shift the attitudes of many government supporters. If public outrage over the recent Soma mine disaster lingers, it could provide a more credible threat to the government’s popularity by shifting the attitudes of a core group of AKP voters.
In contemporary Turkish politics, there is little congruence between the stated ideologies of the two largest parties and their actual bases of mass support. The governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) describes itself as a conservative democratic party and is affiliated with the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists. Conversely, the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) describes itself as a social democratic party and is affiliated with the Party of European Socialists. Normally, one would expect the AKP to have more support among middle class voters and the CHP to derive most of its support from working class voters. Virtually the opposite is true.
READ MORE.....
Friday, May 23, 2014
Turkish Onomastics and Migration Patterns
Comparative Perspectives and Continuities 30 May - 1 June 2014 | Regent's University London
Next week at Regent’s University Turkish Migration Conference (TMC2014, London), Elian Carsenat will present breakthrough data mining technology to apply onomastics (the recognition of personal names) to the discovery of new migration patterns.
As states struggle to provide timely and accurate data to
international organizations (such as the OECD, IOM, United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR, …), these organizations can turn to the
Big Data to identify and monitor new trends. What can Twitter,
LinkedIn, Google, Facebook, D&B, Thomson WoS … tell us about the
changing migration patterns of highly educated professionals,
entrepreneurs? We’ll present how applied onomastics and the Big Data can
be a game changer in migration studies, with vast implications on
how countries or even regions can engage their Diaspora (to attract FDI,
remittances, to build networks of expertise, …)
We look forward to see you at Regent’s University Turkish Migration Conference (TMC2014, London). Full program here.
READ MORE.....
Next week at Regent’s University Turkish Migration Conference (TMC2014, London), Elian Carsenat will present breakthrough data mining technology to apply onomastics (the recognition of personal names) to the discovery of new migration patterns.
As states struggle to provide timely and accurate data to
international organizations (such as the OECD, IOM, United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR, …), these organizations can turn to the
Big Data to identify and monitor new trends. What can Twitter,
LinkedIn, Google, Facebook, D&B, Thomson WoS … tell us about the
changing migration patterns of highly educated professionals,
entrepreneurs? We’ll present how applied onomastics and the Big Data can
be a game changer in migration studies, with vast implications on
how countries or even regions can engage their Diaspora (to attract FDI,
remittances, to build networks of expertise, …)We look forward to see you at Regent’s University Turkish Migration Conference (TMC2014, London). Full program here.
READ MORE.....
From Gezi to Soma
By Alain Gabon
Turkey Agenda - May 22, 2014
As a descendant of three generations of French coal miners, the Soma tragedy hits particularly close to home. It is hard, and as a matter of fact not desirable or appropriate, to have a purely analytical discourse about this. The first thing I immediately and spontaneously remembered, right there, literally the second I heard the horrible news, was my first descent at the bottom of the pit, as a child, for a “visit”, a guided tour so to speak with the miners as tour guides, of the place where both my father, my grand-father, and my great-grand-father had been (and in the case of my father, still was) working daily, as were almost all of the fathers and many brothers, cousins, etc. of my school friends in that small mining town we all loved. That was a nice town that had been able to prosper and even thrive both economically and culturally thanks to the coal mines around which the whole city and most of the others in that mining region had been built. It is thanks to these coal mines but also to the truly generous social policies of the French welfare state and the private owners of the pits, who, while exploiting them, also lavished benefits on their workers including free housing in large, solid and comfortable houses built for them, free education for their children, free health care for the whole family, and a range of other social welfare benefits that are simply unthinkable in today’s economy—it is thanks to that that the entire coal miners’ working class of that region including my own family and those of, literally, all my friends and neighbors, were able to rise up to middle-class standards, give their kids a high school and for many a university education, thereby ensuring they would not have to do that kind of back-breaking and excessively dangerous work. And most kids including myself did not have to, though I sometimes regretted not having been part of what was then presented, in the paternalistic discourse of the state and the rich Catholic conservative bourgeois owners of the mines, as the “working-class aristocracy of the nation”—a title they were taking dead seriously, disputing it to the steel factory workers who were also being told by their bosses they were the real “working class aristocrats of the nation”.
READ MORE....
Turkey Agenda - May 22, 2014
As a descendant of three generations of French coal miners, the Soma tragedy hits particularly close to home. It is hard, and as a matter of fact not desirable or appropriate, to have a purely analytical discourse about this. The first thing I immediately and spontaneously remembered, right there, literally the second I heard the horrible news, was my first descent at the bottom of the pit, as a child, for a “visit”, a guided tour so to speak with the miners as tour guides, of the place where both my father, my grand-father, and my great-grand-father had been (and in the case of my father, still was) working daily, as were almost all of the fathers and many brothers, cousins, etc. of my school friends in that small mining town we all loved. That was a nice town that had been able to prosper and even thrive both economically and culturally thanks to the coal mines around which the whole city and most of the others in that mining region had been built. It is thanks to these coal mines but also to the truly generous social policies of the French welfare state and the private owners of the pits, who, while exploiting them, also lavished benefits on their workers including free housing in large, solid and comfortable houses built for them, free education for their children, free health care for the whole family, and a range of other social welfare benefits that are simply unthinkable in today’s economy—it is thanks to that that the entire coal miners’ working class of that region including my own family and those of, literally, all my friends and neighbors, were able to rise up to middle-class standards, give their kids a high school and for many a university education, thereby ensuring they would not have to do that kind of back-breaking and excessively dangerous work. And most kids including myself did not have to, though I sometimes regretted not having been part of what was then presented, in the paternalistic discourse of the state and the rich Catholic conservative bourgeois owners of the mines, as the “working-class aristocracy of the nation”—a title they were taking dead seriously, disputing it to the steel factory workers who were also being told by their bosses they were the real “working class aristocrats of the nation”.
READ MORE....
Did reforms stop in Turkey?
By Ibrahim Kalin
Turkey Agenda - May 20, 2014
Recently there has been a recurring claim that Turkey has stopped introducing new judicial and political reforms. Critics claim that the Turkish state has forsaken its reform agenda which it followed until the 2011 elections and wants to maintain the status quo that developed under its rule since 2002.
This is not true. Since 2010 the government has introduced a large number of new laws and regulations, all of which are either derived from the Copenhagen criteria or have been suggested by the EU since Turkey's accession talks began in 2005. These reforms have been supported by a large group of opinion makers, politicians and the public at large.
A cursory look at the list of reforms over the last three years reveals a steady trend. The referendum on Sept. 12, 2010 introduced the following changes:
-Children's rights were strengthened under the constitutional law
-The office of the Ombudsman gained constitutional status and began its work
-Members of Parliament were prevented from losing their status in the event their political party shuts down
-The right of individual application to the Constitutional Court was granted
-A Human Rights Committee was established to protect and improve human rights, prevent torture and maltreatment and train citizens and officials in the field of human rights
READ MORE.....
Turkey Agenda - May 20, 2014
Recently there has been a recurring claim that Turkey has stopped introducing new judicial and political reforms. Critics claim that the Turkish state has forsaken its reform agenda which it followed until the 2011 elections and wants to maintain the status quo that developed under its rule since 2002.
This is not true. Since 2010 the government has introduced a large number of new laws and regulations, all of which are either derived from the Copenhagen criteria or have been suggested by the EU since Turkey's accession talks began in 2005. These reforms have been supported by a large group of opinion makers, politicians and the public at large.
A cursory look at the list of reforms over the last three years reveals a steady trend. The referendum on Sept. 12, 2010 introduced the following changes:
-Children's rights were strengthened under the constitutional law
-The office of the Ombudsman gained constitutional status and began its work
-Members of Parliament were prevented from losing their status in the event their political party shuts down
-The right of individual application to the Constitutional Court was granted
-A Human Rights Committee was established to protect and improve human rights, prevent torture and maltreatment and train citizens and officials in the field of human rights
READ MORE.....
Between Two Rationalities: The Possibility of an Alternative Politics in Turkey
By Bülent Küçük
Jadaliyya - May 23 2014
How can the results of the recent municipal elections in Turkey be understood amidst the constantly changing political landscape: graft scandals, revolting judicial decisions, changing political alliances, and an ever-increasing polarization? It can be argued that only preliminary lessons can be drawn when analyzing an ongoing historical process for historical and structural clues. This is a state that cannot overcome a widening social opposition, which views elections as the only conduit for democracy (while tampering with these very conduits themselves), which is only able to use brute force against the voices expressed on the streets. It is a state that can only tell lies, since it can no longer (re)produce its own reality, turning ever more clearly into a security and police apparatus. In such a context, do the results of the local elections count for anything?
The question here is: when marginalized identities proliferate, when new sorrows and indignations amass, when a populist government manages to monopolize all branches of power under its thumb, what kind of democratic institutions and practices, what kind of struggle, can resist or even transform this kind of rule? How will it be possible to prevent this single-party, single-identity, single-family, one-man rule to drag society into bigger disasters after the collapse of expansionist foreign policies and nearly going to war with some of its neighbors? Amidst this climate of conflict, secret negotiations are supposedly ongoing with the Kurdish Liberation Movement; these are hardly likely to be conductive to a new constitutional arrangement that deepens democracy and brings peace to the conflict. What kind of mechanisms and forces can push this government towards more democratization and the consolidation of the peace process? And finally, how could such an opposition go beyond the simple strategy of exposing government corruption and lawlessness and become more encompassing in its opposition?
READ MORE.....
Jadaliyya - May 23 2014
How can the results of the recent municipal elections in Turkey be understood amidst the constantly changing political landscape: graft scandals, revolting judicial decisions, changing political alliances, and an ever-increasing polarization? It can be argued that only preliminary lessons can be drawn when analyzing an ongoing historical process for historical and structural clues. This is a state that cannot overcome a widening social opposition, which views elections as the only conduit for democracy (while tampering with these very conduits themselves), which is only able to use brute force against the voices expressed on the streets. It is a state that can only tell lies, since it can no longer (re)produce its own reality, turning ever more clearly into a security and police apparatus. In such a context, do the results of the local elections count for anything?
The question here is: when marginalized identities proliferate, when new sorrows and indignations amass, when a populist government manages to monopolize all branches of power under its thumb, what kind of democratic institutions and practices, what kind of struggle, can resist or even transform this kind of rule? How will it be possible to prevent this single-party, single-identity, single-family, one-man rule to drag society into bigger disasters after the collapse of expansionist foreign policies and nearly going to war with some of its neighbors? Amidst this climate of conflict, secret negotiations are supposedly ongoing with the Kurdish Liberation Movement; these are hardly likely to be conductive to a new constitutional arrangement that deepens democracy and brings peace to the conflict. What kind of mechanisms and forces can push this government towards more democratization and the consolidation of the peace process? And finally, how could such an opposition go beyond the simple strategy of exposing government corruption and lawlessness and become more encompassing in its opposition?
READ MORE.....
The Failed Autocrat Despite Erdogan's Ruthlessness, Turkey's Democracy Is Still on Track
By Daron Acemoglu
Foreign Affairs - May 22, 2014
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan was once the darling of the international community, but no more. He is still sometimes praised for stewarding Turkey through impressive economic growth, defanging a Turkish military establishment with a long history of meddling in national politics, and initiating a promising peace process with the country’s restive Kurdish population. But Erdogan’s achievements are now shadowed by his undeniable lurch toward autocracy. Over the last year, he has initiated a harsh crackdown against peaceful protesters, political opponents, and independent media outlets. (According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at one point, the number of journalists jailed in Turkey even exceeded the number in Iran and China.)
READ MORE.....
Foreign Affairs - May 22, 2014
Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan was once the darling of the international community, but no more. He is still sometimes praised for stewarding Turkey through impressive economic growth, defanging a Turkish military establishment with a long history of meddling in national politics, and initiating a promising peace process with the country’s restive Kurdish population. But Erdogan’s achievements are now shadowed by his undeniable lurch toward autocracy. Over the last year, he has initiated a harsh crackdown against peaceful protesters, political opponents, and independent media outlets. (According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, at one point, the number of journalists jailed in Turkey even exceeded the number in Iran and China.)
READ MORE.....
Wednesday, May 21, 2014
The Tragedy of the Soma Mine-Workers: A Crime of Peripheral Capitalism Unleashed.
Triple Crisis - May 15, 2014
By Erinc Yeldan
One of the greatest work-crimes in mining industry occurred in Soma, a little mining village in Western Turkey. At noon-time on Tuesday, May 13, according to witnesses, an electrical fault triggered a transformer to explode causing a large fire in the mine, releasing carbon monoxide and gaseous fumes. (The official cause of the “accident” was still unknown, at this writing, after nearly 30 hours.) Around 800 miners were trapped 2 km underground and 4 km from the exit. At this point, the death toll has already reached 245, with reports of another 100 workers remaining in the mine, yet unreached. Turkey has possibly the worst safety record in terms of mining accidents and explosions in Europe and the third worst in the world. Since the right-wing Justice and Development Party (AKP) assumed power in 2002, and up to 2011, a 40% increase in work-related accidents has been reported. The death toll from these accidents reached more than 11,000. Many analysts agree that what lies behind these tragic events is the unregulated and poorly supervised attempts of a corrupt ruling government to push through hasty privatizations and a forced informalization of labour. The Soma mine itself was privatized in 2005. In the heyday of an anti-public sector campaign, the new owners of the plant proudly declared a decline in production costs from the US$120-130 range under the public ownership of State Coal Inc. (TTK) to US$23.80. It was not very long before it became clear that what actually facilitated this ‘miraculous market success’ was the determined evasion of safety standards. On that front, the president of the private company Soma Inc., Mr. Gürkan, was heard boasting, “You can ask ‘what changed in the mine?’ The answer is ‘nothing.’ We simply introduced methods of the private sector only.”
READ MORE....
By Erinc Yeldan
One of the greatest work-crimes in mining industry occurred in Soma, a little mining village in Western Turkey. At noon-time on Tuesday, May 13, according to witnesses, an electrical fault triggered a transformer to explode causing a large fire in the mine, releasing carbon monoxide and gaseous fumes. (The official cause of the “accident” was still unknown, at this writing, after nearly 30 hours.) Around 800 miners were trapped 2 km underground and 4 km from the exit. At this point, the death toll has already reached 245, with reports of another 100 workers remaining in the mine, yet unreached. Turkey has possibly the worst safety record in terms of mining accidents and explosions in Europe and the third worst in the world. Since the right-wing Justice and Development Party (AKP) assumed power in 2002, and up to 2011, a 40% increase in work-related accidents has been reported. The death toll from these accidents reached more than 11,000. Many analysts agree that what lies behind these tragic events is the unregulated and poorly supervised attempts of a corrupt ruling government to push through hasty privatizations and a forced informalization of labour. The Soma mine itself was privatized in 2005. In the heyday of an anti-public sector campaign, the new owners of the plant proudly declared a decline in production costs from the US$120-130 range under the public ownership of State Coal Inc. (TTK) to US$23.80. It was not very long before it became clear that what actually facilitated this ‘miraculous market success’ was the determined evasion of safety standards. On that front, the president of the private company Soma Inc., Mr. Gürkan, was heard boasting, “You can ask ‘what changed in the mine?’ The answer is ‘nothing.’ We simply introduced methods of the private sector only.”
READ MORE....
Why The Worst Is Still Ahead For Turkey's Bubble Economy
By Jesse Colombo
FORBES - MAY 21, 2014
The explosive rise of Turkey’s economy in the past decade is one of the most fascinating growth stories of all time. Since 2002, Turkey’s economy nearly quadrupled in size on the back of an epic boom in consumption and construction that led to the building of countless malls, skyscrapers, and ambitious infrastructure projects. Like many emerging economies in the past decade, Turkey’s economy continued to grow virtually unabated through the Global Financial Crisis, while most Western economies stagnated. Unfortunately, like most emerging market nations, Turkey’s economic boom has devolved into a dangerous bubble that is similar to the bubbles that caused the downfall of Western economies just six years ago. Though Turkey has received significant attention after its currency and financial markets fell sharply in the past year, there is still very little awareness of the country’s economic bubble itself and its frightening implications.
READ MORE....
FORBES - MAY 21, 2014
The explosive rise of Turkey’s economy in the past decade is one of the most fascinating growth stories of all time. Since 2002, Turkey’s economy nearly quadrupled in size on the back of an epic boom in consumption and construction that led to the building of countless malls, skyscrapers, and ambitious infrastructure projects. Like many emerging economies in the past decade, Turkey’s economy continued to grow virtually unabated through the Global Financial Crisis, while most Western economies stagnated. Unfortunately, like most emerging market nations, Turkey’s economic boom has devolved into a dangerous bubble that is similar to the bubbles that caused the downfall of Western economies just six years ago. Though Turkey has received significant attention after its currency and financial markets fell sharply in the past year, there is still very little awareness of the country’s economic bubble itself and its frightening implications.
READ MORE....
Sunday, May 18, 2014
On Erdogan’s ‘Ordinary Things’: The Soma Massacre, the Spine Tower, and the Corporate-State’s Fitrat in Turkey
By Emrah Yildiz
Jadaliyya - May 18 2014
On 14 May, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan reached Soma, the site of the coal mine explosion that has so far killed 321 people—an already horrific number feared to surpass 350. In his first public appearance, twenty-four hours after the explosion, he seemed sultanically informed about the dates of previous coal mine explosions and their resultant deaths, not only in contemporary Turkey, but also across time and space. After having thanked the media “workers” for their “responsible” coverage of the calamity or catastrophe (facia in Turkish) as an unfortunate yet ordinary “work accident,” Erdoğan was ready to present some facts on the ground for all. Beginning with a warning against “marginal groups who are trying to make use of this accident” for their political ends, Erdoğan lectured on:
Jadaliyya - May 18 2014
On 14 May, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan reached Soma, the site of the coal mine explosion that has so far killed 321 people—an already horrific number feared to surpass 350. In his first public appearance, twenty-four hours after the explosion, he seemed sultanically informed about the dates of previous coal mine explosions and their resultant deaths, not only in contemporary Turkey, but also across time and space. After having thanked the media “workers” for their “responsible” coverage of the calamity or catastrophe (facia in Turkish) as an unfortunate yet ordinary “work accident,” Erdoğan was ready to present some facts on the ground for all. Beginning with a warning against “marginal groups who are trying to make use of this accident” for their political ends, Erdoğan lectured on:
I want to share with you some numbers to put things in perspective here. Between 1942 and the end of 2010, friends, our total number of deaths in this type of accidents is around 900. 42, 47, 55, 83, 87, 90, 95, 2010. Among these the methane gas explosion experienced in Kozlu in 1992 has been recorded as the biggest accident that cost 263 workers their lives. This is what it is with coal…Let us remember the past in England: in 1866, 362 people were reported dead. Another explosion in England in 1894, 290. Let me move to France: 1906, the second deadliest mine accident ever recorded. Let me move to more recent periods: Japan in 1914, 687. China, in 1960 gas explosion in the mine, 684. And from Japan, again coal explosion again in 1963, 458. India, 375. In 1975, gas catches fire again, and the roof of the mine collapses and 372. At this point these kinds of accidents are ordinary and recurrent things in these mines…Take a look at America, with its technology and all, in 1907 361 people…These are recurrent and ordinary things. In literature they are referred to as work accidents.Read more....
The Soma tragedy: Kadere karşı / Against Fate
By William Coker
Left East - 17 May 2014
My class yesterday began with something close to an apology from me for holding the class at all. Times like this can make anyone engaged in intellectual work feel inadequate. To some it seems vain to make statements and take up positions when hundreds have died. To this I can find no Spilling ink may be impious, but saying nothing is worse. We have the duty to understand what has happened, even when it might seem more decorous to be silent.
It’s too bad there’s so little to understand this time. On Tuesday a fire broke out in a mine in Soma, in the district of Manisa in the Aegean region, trapping as many as 700 miners underground. By Thursday afternoon 282 have been declared dead, with as many as 150 still missing. The mine belongs to Soma Holding, which acquired it from the state in one of the AKP governments’ many privatizations. Its executives maintain close ties to Erdoğan’s party, though the government would like the public to forget this; one worker who told the host of a live news program on the privately-owned, pro-government Habertürk television network about the company’s AKP ties found his broadcast very quickly cut off.
On April 29, the parliamentary faction of the main opposition party CHP had requested an inspection of the mine’s safety measures, which the ruling AKP rejected.
Read more...
Left East - 17 May 2014
My class yesterday began with something close to an apology from me for holding the class at all. Times like this can make anyone engaged in intellectual work feel inadequate. To some it seems vain to make statements and take up positions when hundreds have died. To this I can find no Spilling ink may be impious, but saying nothing is worse. We have the duty to understand what has happened, even when it might seem more decorous to be silent.
It’s too bad there’s so little to understand this time. On Tuesday a fire broke out in a mine in Soma, in the district of Manisa in the Aegean region, trapping as many as 700 miners underground. By Thursday afternoon 282 have been declared dead, with as many as 150 still missing. The mine belongs to Soma Holding, which acquired it from the state in one of the AKP governments’ many privatizations. Its executives maintain close ties to Erdoğan’s party, though the government would like the public to forget this; one worker who told the host of a live news program on the privately-owned, pro-government Habertürk television network about the company’s AKP ties found his broadcast very quickly cut off.
On April 29, the parliamentary faction of the main opposition party CHP had requested an inspection of the mine’s safety measures, which the ruling AKP rejected.
Read more...
Friday, May 16, 2014
Stillbirth: The New Liberal-Conservative Mobilization in Turkey
By China Tugal
Jadaliyya - May 15 2014
Liberal-conservatism was the dominant intellectual discourse in Turkey for more than three decades. The 1980s was its moment of departure. It suffered a hiatus under the shadow of the Kurdish war in the 1990s, but militaristic brutality also increased its sympathizers. The 2000s was its golden age. Its triumphalism reached an apex during the 2010 referendum. Ever since, its dominance has been crumbling.
State versus Society, the Military versus the Civilians, the Authentic Bourgeoisie versus the Old Elite
Among other factors, the 1980 coup convinced many intellectuals that the military was at the root of Turkey’s problems. Therefore, any civilian initiative deserved support. This belief was further strengthened by the global spread of liberal discourses after the defeat of the 1968 revolutionary wave. “Civil society” became the buzzword in academia and independent intellectual circles. The new focus on civilians and civic actors (somehow believed to be brought into existence without state and military involvement) got an additional boost from the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern European intellectuals’ liberalism.
The rise of the Islamist movement put a new spin on this emergent discourse. The dominant intellectuals perceived Islamism as a threat, but also a possibility. It was obviously one of the voices in society against the state; but it also harbored a lot of authoritarianism. If the civilian elements within the Islamist movement could be harnessed to the liberal project, then the resulting combination could turn into a veritable force against the state. Simultaneously, many intellectuals within the Islamist movement also started to use the vocabularies of liberalism, civil society, and, interestingly enough, postmodernism. The question then became: were these just isolated and unrepresentative maverick intellectuals, or was there a social force behind them?
Read more....
Jadaliyya - May 15 2014
Liberal-conservatism was the dominant intellectual discourse in Turkey for more than three decades. The 1980s was its moment of departure. It suffered a hiatus under the shadow of the Kurdish war in the 1990s, but militaristic brutality also increased its sympathizers. The 2000s was its golden age. Its triumphalism reached an apex during the 2010 referendum. Ever since, its dominance has been crumbling.
State versus Society, the Military versus the Civilians, the Authentic Bourgeoisie versus the Old Elite
Among other factors, the 1980 coup convinced many intellectuals that the military was at the root of Turkey’s problems. Therefore, any civilian initiative deserved support. This belief was further strengthened by the global spread of liberal discourses after the defeat of the 1968 revolutionary wave. “Civil society” became the buzzword in academia and independent intellectual circles. The new focus on civilians and civic actors (somehow believed to be brought into existence without state and military involvement) got an additional boost from the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern European intellectuals’ liberalism.
The rise of the Islamist movement put a new spin on this emergent discourse. The dominant intellectuals perceived Islamism as a threat, but also a possibility. It was obviously one of the voices in society against the state; but it also harbored a lot of authoritarianism. If the civilian elements within the Islamist movement could be harnessed to the liberal project, then the resulting combination could turn into a veritable force against the state. Simultaneously, many intellectuals within the Islamist movement also started to use the vocabularies of liberalism, civil society, and, interestingly enough, postmodernism. The question then became: were these just isolated and unrepresentative maverick intellectuals, or was there a social force behind them?
Read more....
The most powerful photo from a day of tragedy in Turkey
By Anup Kaphle
The Washington Post - May 14, 2014
More than 230 people have died after a coal mine explosion in Soma, a small Turkish town of about 70,000 people that is nearly 150 miles from Istanbul.
According to Turkish Energy Minister Taner Yildiz, 787 workers were inside the mine when an electrical fault triggered the blast. Rescue teams have pulled out 363 of the workers.
One of those rescued was this man, shown below being kissed by his father after he was pulled out from the mine. The image was captured by Turkish photographer Bulent Kilic for Agence France-Presse.
Read more....
The Washington Post - May 14, 2014
More than 230 people have died after a coal mine explosion in Soma, a small Turkish town of about 70,000 people that is nearly 150 miles from Istanbul.
According to Turkish Energy Minister Taner Yildiz, 787 workers were inside the mine when an electrical fault triggered the blast. Rescue teams have pulled out 363 of the workers.
One of those rescued was this man, shown below being kissed by his father after he was pulled out from the mine. The image was captured by Turkish photographer Bulent Kilic for Agence France-Presse.
Read more....
Domestic Workers in Turkey Report Published
International Labor Organization
2013
Report is the first national study aiming to explore the domestic work sector in Turkey
Entitled "The visible face of women’s invisible labour: Domestic workers in Turkey", the Report is prepared by Prof. Dr. Gülay Toksöz and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Seyhan Erdoğdu from Ankara University and published in the scope of the Conditions of Work and Employment Working Research Series of the ILO. The study highlights that informality is a predominant feature of domestic work in Turkey, a sector largely comprised of women workers. The authors of the study suggest that there is need but also room for improving domestic workers’ access to social security and for strengthening the legal framework addressing domestic workers’ needs and working conditions.
The findings of the study were presented at the National Conference on Decent Work for Domestic Workers in Turkey organized by the ILO in February 2013, with the participation of the Ministry of Family and Social Policies and the Ministry of Labour and Social Security. The Conference was an opportunity for the ILO’s tripartite constituents, as well as civil society organizations and academia to discuss the main problems facing domestic workers in Turkey and to reflect on possible ways forward. The Report was updated and finalized in the light of the feedback provided by social partners and relevant public institutions during and following the Conference.
The Report is also an important part of ILO’s global activities on domestic workers. In June 2011, the International Labour Conference adopted the Domestic Workers Convention (No. 189) and Recommendation (No.201) which are the first international standards specifically dedicated to the promotion of decent work for this group of workers. Since then, the instruments have become an important source of guidance for policy-makers around the globe seeking to improve the living and working conditions of domestic workers. The ILO’s follow-up activities in support of governments and employers’ and workers’ organizations include knowledge development and sharing, such as the Domestic Workers in Turkey Report, among other activities. You can reach the Turkish version of the Report here, and English version here.
2013
Report is the first national study aiming to explore the domestic work sector in Turkey
Entitled "The visible face of women’s invisible labour: Domestic workers in Turkey", the Report is prepared by Prof. Dr. Gülay Toksöz and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Seyhan Erdoğdu from Ankara University and published in the scope of the Conditions of Work and Employment Working Research Series of the ILO. The study highlights that informality is a predominant feature of domestic work in Turkey, a sector largely comprised of women workers. The authors of the study suggest that there is need but also room for improving domestic workers’ access to social security and for strengthening the legal framework addressing domestic workers’ needs and working conditions.
The findings of the study were presented at the National Conference on Decent Work for Domestic Workers in Turkey organized by the ILO in February 2013, with the participation of the Ministry of Family and Social Policies and the Ministry of Labour and Social Security. The Conference was an opportunity for the ILO’s tripartite constituents, as well as civil society organizations and academia to discuss the main problems facing domestic workers in Turkey and to reflect on possible ways forward. The Report was updated and finalized in the light of the feedback provided by social partners and relevant public institutions during and following the Conference.
The Report is also an important part of ILO’s global activities on domestic workers. In June 2011, the International Labour Conference adopted the Domestic Workers Convention (No. 189) and Recommendation (No.201) which are the first international standards specifically dedicated to the promotion of decent work for this group of workers. Since then, the instruments have become an important source of guidance for policy-makers around the globe seeking to improve the living and working conditions of domestic workers. The ILO’s follow-up activities in support of governments and employers’ and workers’ organizations include knowledge development and sharing, such as the Domestic Workers in Turkey Report, among other activities. You can reach the Turkish version of the Report here, and English version here.
Ending child labour: A comprehensive review of Turkish Experience
International Labor Organization
2010
In 1992 Turkey was one of the initial six countries to undertake direct action to combat child labour through IPEC programs and assistance. The Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Turkey and the ILO was signed in 1992 and was extended till September 2006. There was a total number of 101 action programmes implemented from 1992. IPEC projects carried out over the last 12 years have reached approximately 50,000 children. Sixty percent of these children have been withdrawn from work and placed in schools. The remaining 40 percent have benefited from improved working conditions and health, nutrition and vocational training services. Furthermore, approximately 25,000 families have received counselling services and assistance. The strategies developed and objectives of the Programme are coherent with national policies and objectives and reinforce and strengthen existing national structures.
to download the report....
2010
In 1992 Turkey was one of the initial six countries to undertake direct action to combat child labour through IPEC programs and assistance. The Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Turkey and the ILO was signed in 1992 and was extended till September 2006. There was a total number of 101 action programmes implemented from 1992. IPEC projects carried out over the last 12 years have reached approximately 50,000 children. Sixty percent of these children have been withdrawn from work and placed in schools. The remaining 40 percent have benefited from improved working conditions and health, nutrition and vocational training services. Furthermore, approximately 25,000 families have received counselling services and assistance. The strategies developed and objectives of the Programme are coherent with national policies and objectives and reinforce and strengthen existing national structures.
to download the report....
Thursday, May 15, 2014
Turkey coalmine disaster: accident or murder?
By Pieter Verstraete
Roarmag - May 14, 2014
The explosion that killed hundreds of coalminers in Turkey was not a random accident; it was the direct consequence of a decade of neoliberalization.
Not even two months ago you could hear Turkey’s urban middle class and youth shouting “thieves!” (hirsiz var!) at a corrupt elite in the Turkish government that illegally enriches itself. Today, as Twitterers report, we hear protesters chant “murderers!” (katiler!) in front of the Istanbul offices of Soma Holdings, the private owner of the lignite mine in Turkey’s Soma district, which just became a death trap to hundreds of coalminers.
While fellow miners, family members and other townsfolk are still digging desperately for survivors after yesterday’s explosion and fire inside the mine, riot police had their hands full washing people away with their water canons in the street where the Soma Holdings offices are located.
As I write this, Turkish news agencies officially report 274 deaths. But earlier today, Energy Minister Taner Yildiz stated that 787 people were working in the mine at the time of the explosion. It seems that there were more miners inside than usual since the explosion occurred during a change of shifts. So it is feared that more than 400 miners are still trapped underground, which runs as deep as 2 kilometres. Those trapped inside run the risk of carbon monoxide poisoning, so time is crucial and rescue teams are pumping oxygen into the mine.
Read more...
Roarmag - May 14, 2014
The explosion that killed hundreds of coalminers in Turkey was not a random accident; it was the direct consequence of a decade of neoliberalization.
Not even two months ago you could hear Turkey’s urban middle class and youth shouting “thieves!” (hirsiz var!) at a corrupt elite in the Turkish government that illegally enriches itself. Today, as Twitterers report, we hear protesters chant “murderers!” (katiler!) in front of the Istanbul offices of Soma Holdings, the private owner of the lignite mine in Turkey’s Soma district, which just became a death trap to hundreds of coalminers.
While fellow miners, family members and other townsfolk are still digging desperately for survivors after yesterday’s explosion and fire inside the mine, riot police had their hands full washing people away with their water canons in the street where the Soma Holdings offices are located.
As I write this, Turkish news agencies officially report 274 deaths. But earlier today, Energy Minister Taner Yildiz stated that 787 people were working in the mine at the time of the explosion. It seems that there were more miners inside than usual since the explosion occurred during a change of shifts. So it is feared that more than 400 miners are still trapped underground, which runs as deep as 2 kilometres. Those trapped inside run the risk of carbon monoxide poisoning, so time is crucial and rescue teams are pumping oxygen into the mine.
Read more...
Turkey swept by protests as anger grows over fatal mine explosion
Thousands join strike and crowds heckle president while relatives begin to bury the nearly 300 coalminers killed in Soma
By Harriet Sherwood and agencies in Soma
theguardian.com, Thursday 15 May 2014
Anger at the deadly mine explosion in Turkey spread across the country on Thursday as thousands of workers joined a protest strike, demonstrators clashed with security forces, and families began to bury scores of men killed in the disaster.
As the death toll at the Soma coalmine pushed towards 300, with hopes extinguished for at least 100 more miners thought to be trapped deep in the pit, fury was directed at the Turkish prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan – and fuelled by pictures of one of his aides violently assaulting a protester, and claims that Erdoğan himself had struck a teenage girl.
The president, Abdullah Gül, visiting the area, described Tuesday's explosion as "a huge disaster", adding: "The pain is felt by all". But despite more restraint among relatives and protesters in Soma than during the prime minister's visit a day earlier, Gül was still heckled by crowds.
The first funerals for victims were held as labourers continued to dig rows of graves in a cemetery near the mine. Women with pictures of victims pinned to their clothing swayed, wailed and sang as coffins were lowered into the graves.
Some mourners said they had spent their lives fearing a catastrophic incident at the mine. "The wives of the miners kiss their husbands in the morning. When they come back, even if they are five minutes late, everyone starts calling. You never know what is going to happen," said Gulizar Donmez, 45, a neighbour of one of the victims and whose father and husband are both miners.
Read more.....
By Harriet Sherwood and agencies in Soma
theguardian.com, Thursday 15 May 2014
Anger at the deadly mine explosion in Turkey spread across the country on Thursday as thousands of workers joined a protest strike, demonstrators clashed with security forces, and families began to bury scores of men killed in the disaster.
As the death toll at the Soma coalmine pushed towards 300, with hopes extinguished for at least 100 more miners thought to be trapped deep in the pit, fury was directed at the Turkish prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan – and fuelled by pictures of one of his aides violently assaulting a protester, and claims that Erdoğan himself had struck a teenage girl.
The president, Abdullah Gül, visiting the area, described Tuesday's explosion as "a huge disaster", adding: "The pain is felt by all". But despite more restraint among relatives and protesters in Soma than during the prime minister's visit a day earlier, Gül was still heckled by crowds.
The first funerals for victims were held as labourers continued to dig rows of graves in a cemetery near the mine. Women with pictures of victims pinned to their clothing swayed, wailed and sang as coffins were lowered into the graves.
Some mourners said they had spent their lives fearing a catastrophic incident at the mine. "The wives of the miners kiss their husbands in the morning. When they come back, even if they are five minutes late, everyone starts calling. You never know what is going to happen," said Gulizar Donmez, 45, a neighbour of one of the victims and whose father and husband are both miners.
Read more.....
Wednesday, May 14, 2014
Turkey mine explosion: more than 200 dead and hundreds trapped
Disaster management agency says authorities are preparing for possibility that death toll in Soma disaster could rise sharply
The Guardian - May 14, 2014
By Ben Quinn and Constanze Letsch
A large rescue operation is under way to free hundreds of coal miners trapped underground after an explosion and fire in western Turkey left hundreds of their colleagues dead.
Early on Wednesday Turkey's energy minister, Taner Yildiz, said the death toll had risen above 200. Hundreds more were believed to be still trapped inside the mine, while more than 360 had been evacuated.
As rescue teams made their way from neighbouring regions, fresh air was being pumped into the mine in Soma, about 75 miles north-east of the Aegean coastal city of Izmir.
Twenty people initially made it out of the privately owned mine, where a power distribution unit was said to have exploded, but local authorities in the western province of Manisa said that between 200 and 300 workers were still underground.
The blast in the power unit of the mine triggered an electricity cut, making the lifts unusable and leaving hundreds of miners stranded underground.
Read more....
The Guardian - May 14, 2014
By Ben Quinn and Constanze Letsch
A large rescue operation is under way to free hundreds of coal miners trapped underground after an explosion and fire in western Turkey left hundreds of their colleagues dead.
Early on Wednesday Turkey's energy minister, Taner Yildiz, said the death toll had risen above 200. Hundreds more were believed to be still trapped inside the mine, while more than 360 had been evacuated.
As rescue teams made their way from neighbouring regions, fresh air was being pumped into the mine in Soma, about 75 miles north-east of the Aegean coastal city of Izmir.
Twenty people initially made it out of the privately owned mine, where a power distribution unit was said to have exploded, but local authorities in the western province of Manisa said that between 200 and 300 workers were still underground.
The blast in the power unit of the mine triggered an electricity cut, making the lifts unusable and leaving hundreds of miners stranded underground.
Read more....
Tuesday, April 15, 2014
Post-Islamism in Turkey Panels at the Fourth World Congress for Middle East Studies” (WOCMES), METU, Ankara, Turkey August 18-22, 2014
Fourth World Congress for Middle East Studies” (WOCMES), METU, Ankara, Turkey August 18-22, 2014.
http://www.wocmes2014.org/?p=general_information
ORGANIZED BY ISABEL DAVID AND TUGRUL KESKIN
PANEL-1
POST-ISLAMISM IN TURKEY: A THEORETICAL APPROACH
Co-sponsored by Sociology of Islam Journal
Moderator Tugrul Keskin
1.Intellectual debate on Post-Islamism - Associate Professor Michelangelo Guida - Istanbul 29 Mayis University
2.“Respeaking the Ottoman Words, Reliving the Ottoman World: The Cultural Significance of Turkey’s Imperial Past and Its Political Significance for Turkish Islamism(s)” Professor Kemal Silay – Indiana University, Bloomington
3.Vakif as Intent and Practice: Charity and Poor Relief in Contemporary Turkey - Assistant Professor Damla Isik - Regis University
4.Muslimism and Sites of Hybridity: Re-theorizing Contemporary Islam in Turkey - PhD. Neslihan Cevik – University of Virginia
PANEL-2
GULEN MOVEMENT AND POST-ISLAMISM
Co-sponsored by Center for Turkish Studies at Portland State University, Turkish and Ottoman Studies at Indiana University and Turkish Review
Moderator Kemal Silay
1.Post-Islamism or Veering Toward Political Modernity? Ideology and Islam in the Gülen Movement - Post-Doctoral Research Fellow - Fabio Vicini - 29 Mayıs University
2.Becoming Muhacir, becoming Şakirde: A Case of Female University Students from Central Asia in the Gülen Movement in Turkey - MA Candidate - Marhabo Saparova - Sabanci University
3.Post-Islamist practices between Turkey and Tanzania: A perspective on teachers and businessmen inspired by Fethullah Gülen - Kristina Dohrn - Freie Universität
4. Emergent Actors, Emerging Narratives: Competing Representations of Islam and Turkey in North America - Oguz Alyanak PhD Student - Washington University in St. Louis Washington University St. Louis
PANEL-3
JDP, POST-ISLAMISM AND NEOLIBERALISM
Co-sponsored by Critical Sociology
Moderator Isabel David
1.AKP’s Shifts between Islamism and post-Islamism: What can the “December 17 Process” Tell Us? - Assistant Professor Beken Saatcioglu - MEF University
2.Beyond Takkiye vs. Liberalism?: Turkey’s “Post-Islamist” Foreign Policy - Assistant Professor Nora Fisher Onar - Bahcesehir University
3.A Customized Neo-Liberalism with a Moral Call: An Assessment of the Growing JDP Connections in Turkish Businesses - Reader, Gül Berna ÖZCAN University of London and Umut Gunduz Istanbul Technical University
4.Distilling the Problems of Post-Islamism through the case of Turkey’s AKP (or AKP through a glass darkly) PhD Bilge Azgin - University of Manchester
http://www.wocmes2014.org/?p=general_information
ORGANIZED BY ISABEL DAVID AND TUGRUL KESKIN
PANEL-1
POST-ISLAMISM IN TURKEY: A THEORETICAL APPROACH
Co-sponsored by Sociology of Islam Journal
Moderator Tugrul Keskin
1.Intellectual debate on Post-Islamism - Associate Professor Michelangelo Guida - Istanbul 29 Mayis University
2.“Respeaking the Ottoman Words, Reliving the Ottoman World: The Cultural Significance of Turkey’s Imperial Past and Its Political Significance for Turkish Islamism(s)” Professor Kemal Silay – Indiana University, Bloomington
3.Vakif as Intent and Practice: Charity and Poor Relief in Contemporary Turkey - Assistant Professor Damla Isik - Regis University
4.Muslimism and Sites of Hybridity: Re-theorizing Contemporary Islam in Turkey - PhD. Neslihan Cevik – University of Virginia
PANEL-2
GULEN MOVEMENT AND POST-ISLAMISM
Co-sponsored by Center for Turkish Studies at Portland State University, Turkish and Ottoman Studies at Indiana University and Turkish Review
Moderator Kemal Silay
1.Post-Islamism or Veering Toward Political Modernity? Ideology and Islam in the Gülen Movement - Post-Doctoral Research Fellow - Fabio Vicini - 29 Mayıs University
2.Becoming Muhacir, becoming Şakirde: A Case of Female University Students from Central Asia in the Gülen Movement in Turkey - MA Candidate - Marhabo Saparova - Sabanci University
3.Post-Islamist practices between Turkey and Tanzania: A perspective on teachers and businessmen inspired by Fethullah Gülen - Kristina Dohrn - Freie Universität
4. Emergent Actors, Emerging Narratives: Competing Representations of Islam and Turkey in North America - Oguz Alyanak PhD Student - Washington University in St. Louis Washington University St. Louis
PANEL-3
JDP, POST-ISLAMISM AND NEOLIBERALISM
Co-sponsored by Critical Sociology
Moderator Isabel David
1.AKP’s Shifts between Islamism and post-Islamism: What can the “December 17 Process” Tell Us? - Assistant Professor Beken Saatcioglu - MEF University
2.Beyond Takkiye vs. Liberalism?: Turkey’s “Post-Islamist” Foreign Policy - Assistant Professor Nora Fisher Onar - Bahcesehir University
3.A Customized Neo-Liberalism with a Moral Call: An Assessment of the Growing JDP Connections in Turkish Businesses - Reader, Gül Berna ÖZCAN University of London and Umut Gunduz Istanbul Technical University
4.Distilling the Problems of Post-Islamism through the case of Turkey’s AKP (or AKP through a glass darkly) PhD Bilge Azgin - University of Manchester
Tuesday, April 1, 2014
Public Lecture: Şule Perinçek - “The Current Crisis in Turkey and Its Global Implications” April 13, Indiana University
Indiana University Ottoman and Modern Turkish Chair
Presents an Open Forum
with
Presents an Open Forum
with
Şule Perinçek
(Workers Party of Turkey)
“The Current Crisis in Turkey and Its Global Implications”
The event will be in Turkish and English
Free and open to the public
Organized by Kemal Silay
Thursday, March 20, 2014
Wednesday, January 22, 2014
Call for papers: Special Issue of CRITICAL SOCIOLOGY: SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST
Call for Papers
Special Issue of CRITICAL SOCIOLOGY:
SOCIOLOGICAL IMAGINATION IN THE MIDDLE
EAST
Beginning in 1969,
Critical Sociology has examined
social structures, social change, and social problems through the lenses of the
critical imagination. Critical Sociology
publishes scholarly work on transnational and global sociology, and as a result
of its initiatives, Latin American, and African Sociology is now represented in
the journal. Recently, the journal has appointed a Middle East and North Africa
Editor to attract work from scholars in the region, and to coordinate a special
issue, Sociological Imagination in the Middle East.
As a social
science, sociology has European origins; as a result, scholarship on the Middle
East has long been either ignored or enamored with a European worldview.
Conversely, social analysts and critics from the Middle East have often
rejected certain aspects of European sociology due to its role in promoting
“modernization,” colonialism,” or secularism. The emergence of sociology in
Iran, Turkey, Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, and Algeria in the mid-twentieth
century, however, produced research that warrant broader engagement and
dialogue. Although some scholars found an audience in academic circles outside
their countries, for example, Ali Shariati (Iran) and Niyazi Berkes (Turkey),
much of this foundational scholarship unfortunately remains overlooked. Late
nineteenth/early twentieth century critical scholarship from Prince Sabahaddin
(Turkey), Ziya Gokalp (Turkey), Cemil Meric (Turkey), Amir-Hossein Aryanpour (Iran), Hassan Hanafi (Egypt), Ehsan Naraghi
(Iran), and others is unknown outside the author’s respective country of
origin.
As it stands, four
perspectives tend to dominate the sociology of the Middle East: secular liberalism, whose authors tend
to reproduce moderate variations of modernization theory; state-centered conservatism, whose authors do the same but in the
interests and/or service of conserving state legitimacy; left-critical, whose authors tend to reproduce variations of
Marxist, world systems, or dependency theory; and Islamic-oriented conservative nationalism. Since the end of the
Cold War, Islamic-oriented, conservative nationalist scholarship has increased,
and left-critical scholarship has shifted toward a more liberal, market
orientation. This shift is directly linked with the current social, political
and economic transformations in the region, and warrants closer scrutiny. Also,
revolution, technological advancement, and globalized education in the region
have opened new spaces and new opportunities for Middle East and North African Sociology.
For this special issue of Critical Sociology, we invite
scholarship by researchers and analysts who incorporate diverse intellectual
perspectives that include, rather than marginalize, intellectual engagement
with scholarship from the North Africa and the Middle East. We welcome
submissions by sociologists working on, but not limited to, the following
subjects:
·
Middle
East and North African Sociology as a field of inquiry
·
Commodification
of Middle East and North African Studies in Europe and the USA
·
Neoliberal
transformations and structural adjustment in the Middle East and North Africa
·
Urban
– rural demographic change and urbanization
·
Durability,
success, and failure of leftist/Marxist movements
·
Ethnic/religious
movement, tension, or conciliation
·
Workers,
unions, labor Rights
·
Capital
accumulation
·
Western
Feminism versus Third World Feminism
·
Lesbian,
Gay, Bisexual and Transsexual identities and movements
·
Human
rights - challenges in discourse and
practice
The deadline for
submitting abstracts is May 30, 2014. Abstracts should be approximately 300
words and include the author’s name and contact information. Please send all
abstract or other queries to Tugrul Keskin, Middle East and North Africa Editor, at: (tugrulkeskin (at) pdx.edu).
For more
information on CRITICAL SOCIOLOGY, including instructions for authors, see: http://crs.sagepub.com
Authors will be
notified by July 15, 2014 if their abstracts are selected, with a full draft of
the article due by December 31, 2014.
All manuscripts are subject to the standard peer-review process at Critical Sociology. Prospective authors should feel free to
communicate with the Middle East and North Africa Editor about the
appropriateness of their proposed papers.
Special Issue Editors:
Friday, December 27, 2013
Call for panel papers: Post-Islamism in Turkey - Fourth World Congress for Middle East Studies, Ankara, Turkey 18-22 August, 2014
Proposed Title: Post-Islamism in Turkey
This Panel will be co-sponsored by
Center for Turkish Studies at Portland State University
Sociology of Islam Journal
Critical Sociology
Fourth World Congress for Middle East Studies” (WOCMES), to be held at METU in Ankara, Turkey from 18th to 22nd August, 2014.
http://www.wocmes2014.org/?p=main
Dear all,
World Congress for Middle East Studies is holding a conference in collaboration with The Turkish Social Sciences Association and Middle East Technical University. It will take place on 18-22 August 2014 at Middle East Technical University (http://www.metu.edu.tr/) in Ankara.
If you are interested in participating in forming a panel together on Post-Islamism in Turkey, please let us know off the list. The deadline is the January 31st 2014. We welcome submissions related to, but not limited to the following subjects:
- Islam and Politics in Turkey since 2002
- Commodification and Privatization of Islam in Turkey
- Islamic oriented parties/movements and democracy in Turkey
- Emergence and Development of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in the context of Post-Islamism
- JDP and Neo-Liberalism
- Social, political and economic aspects of the Gulen/Hizmet Movement in the context of Post-Islamism
- The Gulen Movement and Neoliberalism
- US hegemony and Post-Islamism
Before you submit your proposal, please read this short (a page long) article (What is Post-islamism?) written by Professor Asef Bayat:
https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/handle/1887/17030/ISIM_16_What_is_Post?sequence=1
If you would like to have further discussion, please check Esaf Bayat’s most recent book, Post-Islamism The Changing Faces of Political Islam:
http://global.oup.com/academic/product/post-islamism-9780199766079;jsessionid=FBD8C8CF2E82435C3036D4A18A489F20?cc=us&lang=en&
Email us the following information by Monday, January 27:
-Abstract, 300 words
-Title of your paper
-Your short bio, up to 100 words, including your institutional affiliation, email, etc.
Please use the following emails for the submissions and communication:
Isabel David isabela_davidova (at) yahoo.com
Tugrul Keskin tugrulkeskin (at) pdx.edu
Any questions or suggestions are welcome.
Best to all,
--
Isabel David
Assistant Professor
School of Social and Political Sciences
University of Lisbon
Tugrul Keskin
Assistant Professor of International and Middle Eastern Studies
Affiliated Faculty of Black Studies, Sociology and Center for Turkish Studies
Portland State University
Editor of Sociology of Islam Journal (Brill)
Region Editor of Critical Sociology (Middle East and North Africa)
This Panel will be co-sponsored by
Center for Turkish Studies at Portland State University
Sociology of Islam Journal
Critical Sociology
Fourth World Congress for Middle East Studies” (WOCMES), to be held at METU in Ankara, Turkey from 18th to 22nd August, 2014.
http://www.wocmes2014.org/?p=main
Dear all,
World Congress for Middle East Studies is holding a conference in collaboration with The Turkish Social Sciences Association and Middle East Technical University. It will take place on 18-22 August 2014 at Middle East Technical University (http://www.metu.edu.tr/) in Ankara.
If you are interested in participating in forming a panel together on Post-Islamism in Turkey, please let us know off the list. The deadline is the January 31st 2014. We welcome submissions related to, but not limited to the following subjects:
- Islam and Politics in Turkey since 2002
- Commodification and Privatization of Islam in Turkey
- Islamic oriented parties/movements and democracy in Turkey
- Emergence and Development of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) in the context of Post-Islamism
- JDP and Neo-Liberalism
- Social, political and economic aspects of the Gulen/Hizmet Movement in the context of Post-Islamism
- The Gulen Movement and Neoliberalism
- US hegemony and Post-Islamism
Before you submit your proposal, please read this short (a page long) article (What is Post-islamism?) written by Professor Asef Bayat:
https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/handle/1887/17030/ISIM_16_What_is_Post?sequence=1
If you would like to have further discussion, please check Esaf Bayat’s most recent book, Post-Islamism The Changing Faces of Political Islam:
http://global.oup.com/academic/product/post-islamism-9780199766079;jsessionid=FBD8C8CF2E82435C3036D4A18A489F20?cc=us&lang=en&
Email us the following information by Monday, January 27:
-Abstract, 300 words
-Title of your paper
-Your short bio, up to 100 words, including your institutional affiliation, email, etc.
Please use the following emails for the submissions and communication:
Isabel David isabela_davidova (at) yahoo.com
Tugrul Keskin tugrulkeskin (at) pdx.edu
Any questions or suggestions are welcome.
Best to all,
--
Isabel David
Assistant Professor
School of Social and Political Sciences
University of Lisbon
Tugrul Keskin
Assistant Professor of International and Middle Eastern Studies
Affiliated Faculty of Black Studies, Sociology and Center for Turkish Studies
Portland State University
Editor of Sociology of Islam Journal (Brill)
Region Editor of Critical Sociology (Middle East and North Africa)
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