Monday, October 20, 2014

A New Book: Democracy, Identity and Foreign Policy in Turkey Hegemony Through Transformation

Democracy, Identity and Foreign Policy in Turkey Hegemony Through Transformation

E. Fuat Keyman and Sebnem Gumuscu

PALGRAVE - May 2014

The recent history of Turkey is dominated by the country's transformation into a modern democracy. Over the past few years Turkey has been increasingly recognised as a nation of economic, political and cultural significance as well as being a vital political connection between Europe and the Middle East. In this compelling volume, Professor Keyman and Dr. Gumüsçu put democratisation in Turkey under the microscope with an especial focus on recent transformations under the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Accordingly, it explores to what extent Turkey's transformation under the AKP has led to democratic consolidation as well as asking if there is a disconnect between economic, cultural, and urban transformation, on the one hand, and democratic consolidation on the other? Furthermore, this book also takes the opportunity to explore several issues that have a direct effect on the consolidation of Turkish democracy such as globalization, foreign policy activism, the kurdish question, religious governance and civil society. By critically analyzing the dialectic between domestic transformations and global/regional dynamics, the book also discusses the ways in which Turkish transformation is affected by the Arab uprisings as well as how Turkey may inspire these countries.

Table of Contents 
1. Introduction
2. Turkey's Transformation
3. Constructing Hegemony: the AKP Rule
4. AKP's Hegemony and Democratic Consolidation
5. Turkey's Proactive Foreign Policy under the AKP
6. Turkish Foreign Policy in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings
7. The AKP, Arab Uprisings and the Kurdish Question
8. Secularism, Democracy and Identity
9. Civil Society and Democratic Consolidation
10. Conclusion: Turkey at the Crossroads: Democratization through the Strong EU Anchor


Saturday, October 18, 2014

Call for Papers - Modern Turkey (Edited Book Project)

Dear Colleagues,

Let us present you a new book project: Modern Turkey: Opportunities and Challenges. We invite you to become a contributor to this book which will be published by the Anahuac University (Mexico City). The book will consist of both original articles and recently published (not earlier than 2012) analyzing the main tendencies and conflicting points of Turkey.

The preliminary suggested content of the book is as follows:
  • Modern History of Turkey
  • Polical and Economic Development of Turkey
  • Economic factors
  • Regional Cooperation/Confrontation (EU, Israel, Middle East, Balkans, Africa, Latin-American)
  • International Role
  • Islam in Turkey
  • Gezi Park movement
  • Environmental development
  • Gender Studies
  • Armenian-Turkey relations
  • Kurds in Turkey
  • Turkey´s roll in Syria
  • Gülen Movement in Turkey
The deadline for abstracts submission of the original article and of the full texts of the already published to be considered is the 12th of November 2014. You will be notified on the chapter acceptance by the 20th November 2014.

The deadline for the full original article is the 1th of February 2015.

After this all articles will be translated to Spanish by the Universidad Anahuac translators.

Technical requirements:

Both abstracts and full articles should be sent in English. Abstract: 300 words. Full article: 4000 words. Harvard reference style.

If you have any questions, please, do not hesitate to contact us.

Tuesday, October 7, 2014

Watchtower of Turkey Leonardo Dalessandri

Over than 3500 km traveled in 20 days, capturing landscapes from the bluish tones of Pamukkale to the warm ones of Cappadocia, the all passing by a great variation of colors, lights and weathers through six other cities.


Sunday, October 5, 2014

Pakistan’s Lessons for Turkey


The New York Times - OCT. 5, 2014

Last week, Turkey’s president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, declared that Turkey is ready “for any cooperation in the fight against terrorism.” Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu argued that Islamic State militants pose a greater threat to Turkey and the Muslim world than to the West.
But Turkey’s dilemma is far more grave than its leaders realize. Indeed, Turkey’s current situation resembles the early years of Pakistan’s sponsorship of the Taliban. The Islamic State is recruiting militants in Turkey. And failure to clean its own house now could lead Turkey down the path of “Pakistanization,” whereby a resident jihadist infrastructure causes Sunni extremism to ingrain itself deeply within the fabric of society.
Although Turkey now recognizes the threat — the Turkish government voted to authorize military force in Iraq and Syria on Thursday — it has yet to come to terms with its own responsibility for helping to create it.


Saturday, October 4, 2014

Turkey's President Demands Biden Apologize Over Comments About ISIS

Brett LoGiurato     

Business Insider - Oct. 4, 2014 

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has demanded an apology from US Vice President Joe Biden after the latter made comments Erdogan said were untrue.  Speaking at Harvard University on Thursday, Biden told students Erdogan — whom he referred to as an "old friend" — admitted to him that his country had erred in allowing foreign terrorist fighters an easy route to pass in and out of Syria.  "President Erdogan told me — he’s an old friend — he said, ‘You’re right. We let too many people through.’ Now, they’re trying to seal their border," Biden said.   Erdogan said he never made such an admission to Biden, and he said Biden would be "history for me" if he does not apologize.  "I have never said to him that we had made a mistake, never. If he did say this at Harvard then he has to apologize to us," Erdogan said, according to The Associated Press. 


Vice President Biden to Deliver Remarks on Foreign Policy at Harvard University

Date: Thursday, October 02, 2014 
Time: 6:00pm
Speaker: Joe Biden 

On Thursday, October 2, 2014, the 47th Vice President of the United States, Joseph R. Biden Jr., delivered a public address on foreign policy to the JFK Jr. Forum. He spoke of the importance of America's international role, discussing conflicts in the Middle East, Russia and Asia. He also emphasized the need for a stronger American economy and greater trade. The Forum was moderated by David Ellwood, the Scott M. Black Professor of Political Economy and the Dean of the Harvard Kennedy School.


Notes on a Turkish Conspiracy

How the looming end of a 100-year-old treaty exposes the existential paranoia at the heart of Erdogan’s foreign policy.     

BY Nicholas Danforth    

Foreign Policy - OCTOBER 2, 2014

While American commentators debate whether Turkey will join U.S. President Barack Obama's coalition against the Islamic State, some Turkish pundits are looking ahead to more serious foreign-policy challenges -- like what will happen in 2023 when the Treaty of Lausanne expires and Turkey's modern borders become obsolete. In keeping with secret articles signed by Turkish and British diplomats at a Swiss lakefront resort almost a century ago, British troops will reoccupy forts along the Bosphorus, and the Greek Orthodox patriarch will resurrect a Byzantine ministate within Istanbul's city walls. On the plus side for Turkey, the country will finally be allowed to tap its vast, previously off-limits oil reserves and perhaps regain Western Thrace. So there's that.

Of course, none of this will actually happen. The Treaty of Lausanne has no secret expiration clause. But it's instructive to consider what these conspiracy theories, trafficked on semi-obscure websites and second-rate news shows, reveal about the deeper realities of Turkish foreign policy, especially under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's pro-Islam Justice and Development Party (AKP).

After defeating the Ottoman Empire in World War I, Britain, France, Italy, and Greece divided Anatolia, colonizing the territory that is now Turkey. However, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk reorganized the remnants of the Ottoman army and thwarted this attempted division through shrewd diplomacy and several years of war. Subsequently, the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne recognized Ataturk's victory and established the borders of modern Turkey. Lausanne then became part of the country's foundational myth. For a time it even had its own holiday, Lausanne Day, when children dressed in costumes representing contested regions of Anatolia for elementary school plays.


Tuesday, September 30, 2014

IU President McRobbie concludes historic and productive trip to Turkey

Meeting with president of Turkey caps busy week of activities that result in new partnership agreements with nation’s top universities, renewed ties with IU Turkish alumn

BLOOMINGTON, Ind. -- Indiana University President Michael A. McRobbie concluded the first official visit by a standing IU president to Turkey since 1955, wrapping up a week of productive meetings with educational, business and government leaders, as well as with members of IU’s two Turkish alumni chapters.
On Saturday, Sept. 27, McRobbie met in Istanbul with the recently elected president of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Joining them were two of Erdoğan’s three children who are graduates of IU, daughters Esra and Sümeyye.
Esra Erdoğan and her youngest brother, Bilal, both earned bachelor’s degrees from IU Bloomington’s College of Arts and Sciences, while Sümeyye is a graduate of IU’s School of Public and Environmental Affairs. President Erdoğan, who was sworn in as president last month after more than a decade as prime minister, and his wife, Emine, have both visited IU’s Bloomington campus in the past.
Later Saturday evening, McRobbie hosted a reception for IU Turkish alumni, where he presented the Thomas Hart Benton Medallion to IU alumnus Erdal Yildirim, the general manager of the Vehbi Koc Foundation, in recognition of his outstanding accomplishments in nonprofit management and philanthropy over his career in Turkey and around the globe. The Vehbi Koc Foundation, where McRobbie attended a meeting earlier in the week, is one of Turkey’s largest non-governmental charitable organizations. It aims to support the country’s development through grants to support programs in education, healthcare and culture.
The Benton Medallion is given to individuals who have achieved a level of distinction in public office or service and have exemplified the values of IU.
“Few U.S. institutions of higher education have been as historically active and engaged in Turkey as Indiana University,” McRobbie said. “For more than 70 years, IU has been one of the nation’s premier destinations for the study of Turkish and Turkic languages and the history and culture of this dynamic nation that, with its strategic location connecting several regions of the world, will continue to play a vital role in international affairs.
“Our meetings in Istanbul and in Ankara have been extremely productive, positioning us to substantially enhance our already strong presence in Turkey, identify promising new exchange opportunities for our students and faculty to study, teach and conduct research overseas, and reconnect with our many successful Turkish alumni. Our Turkish alumni are exceptional ambassadors for IU through their passion for the university and the major contributions they continue to make to the cultural, economic and political life of modern-day Turkey.”
As a result of the trip, IU formalized new partnership agreements with two of Turkey’s top-ranked universities and strengthened connections to several others. The university also explored opportunities to open a third global gateway office, which would serve as a central location for IU activities in Turkey, including conferences, meetings, receptions, symposia and workshops. (The other two IU gateway facilities are in Beijing and just outside New Delhi.)
On Sept. 23, McRobbie signed a Mevlana agreement with Boğaziçi University of Istanbul. This agreement is part of a Turkish governmental program to provide funding for student and faculty exchanges between Turkey's higher education institutions and their counterparts around world.
In recent years, IU and Boğaziçi University have developed a number of relationships between faculty and research programs in a variety of areas, including anthropology, Turkish studies and philanthropic studies.
On Sept. 25, in Ankara, Turkey’s capital city, McRobbie formalized the university’s partnership with Middle East Technical University by signing an agreement of friendship and cooperation. Since its inception as a state university in 1956, METU, which has more than 24,000 students, has developed into one of Turkey’s most competitive universities, and it is widely recognized as the nation’s leading university in terms of depth and breadth of international ties and the amount of funds generated from international research projects.
While in Ankara, McRobbie visited another IU partner, Ankara University, the first higher education institution founded in the Turkish Republic. Ankara University is a partner in the prestigious Turkish Flagship Program at IU, the only federally funded program in this area.
He also met with senior leaders and faculty at TOBB University of Economics and Technology, a 10-year-old private university and the first university in Turkey to offer cooperative education combining classroom education with practical business experience.
TOBB is Turkey’s highest legal entity representing the private sector, including all local chambers of commerce, industry and maritime, as well as commodity exchanges. Its membership totals 1.4 million companies.
Joining McRobbie on the historic trip were IU Vice President for International Affairs David Zaret and IU first lady Laurie Burns McRobbie.
While in Ankara, McRobbie met with members of Turkey’s national higher education board (YÖK), officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and U.S. Consul General Charles F. Hunter to discuss new developments at the university, including its recently established School of Global and International Studies, and the university’s goals for expanding its presence in the country and surrounding region. McRobbie also hosted a reception for IU alumni living and working in the city.
For decades, students and scholars have come to IU from Turkey to pursue educational opportunities and collaborate with IU faculty. Turkey consistently ranks among the top 10 nations of origin among IU's international students, and many IU students continue to engage in overseas study in a country that bridges Europe and Asia and, today, is the major economic, political and military power in the region.
Reports from McRobbie's trip are available at a blog site, IU Goes to Turkey, and through official IU social media channels on Facebook and Twitter.

Sunday, September 28, 2014

A New Book: Emperyalizm ve Türkiye, Barış Doster

Emperyalizm ve Türkiye 
Barış Doster
Kaynak Yayınları
Eylül 2014

Geçtiğimiz yıl yaşamını yitiren Prof. Dr. Alpaslan Işıklı’nın anısına ithaf edilen bu kitapta yukarıdaki sorulara her biri alanlarında uzmanlar tarafından bilimsel bir bakış açısıyla verilmiş cevaplar bulacaksınız.

TÜMÖD Kurucusu ve Genel Başkanı değerli Prof. Dr. Alpaslan Işıklı hocamızın anısına "Emperyalizm ve Türkiye" kitabı çıktı.

Makaleleriyle; Cüneyt Akalın, Ataol Behramoğlu, Korkut Boratav, Barış Doster, Mustafa Gazalcı, Cevat Geray, Turan Karakaş, Suay Karaman, Mustafa Kaymakçı, Mahmut Kiper, Yıldırım Koç, Onur Öymen, Bartu Soral, Serdar Şahinkaya, Tolga Yarman.

• Emperyalizm nedir, kapitalizmin hangi aşamasında ortaya çıkmıştır?
• Sömürgecilikle emperyalizm arasındaki farklar nelerdir?
• Ulusal devlet, emperyalizmle mücadelenin neresinde?
• Ulusal devletin “modası” geçti mi? Lenin’in emperyalizm teorisi bugüne de ışık tutuyor mu?
• Kapitalizmin “serbest rekabet” ilkesine ne oldu?
• Demokrasi, emperyalizmin vahşiliğini perdelemek amacıyla kullandığı bir “söylem” mi?
• 20. yüzyılda devrimler neden kapitalizmin geliştiği Batı ülkelerinde değil de Doğu ülkelerinde gerçekleşti?
• Dünyayı küresel şirketler mi yönetiyor?
• “Sermaye’nin Avrupa’sına” karşı “Emeğin Avrupa”sı?
• Atatürk, emperyalizm için ne ifade ediyor?
• Türkiye’nin 200 yıllık emperyalizmle mücadele tarihi hangi aşamalardan geçti?
• Laiklik ve aydınlanma emperyalizme karşı mücadelede neden gerekli?
• Türkiye ekonomide niçin devletçilik yolunu seçti? Bu bir seçim miydi yoksa zorunluluk muydu?
• Atatürk’ün Sovyet dostluğu politikası niçin terk edildi?
• Atatürk’ten sonra Batı ittifakına yönelen Türkiye bu süreçte neler kazandı ve neler kaybetti?

Friday, September 26, 2014

Cfp: 2nd International Conference on Turkey and Turkish Studies, 29-30 June & 1-2 July 2015, Athens, Greece

Call for Papers and Participation

The Athens Institute for Education and Research (ATINER) will hold its 2nd International Conference on Turkey and Turkish Studies, 29-30 June & 1-2 July 2015. The conference website is The aim of the conference is to bring together scholars and students of all areas of Turkish Studies and other related disciplines, including, among others, history, politics & international relations, economics & business, language, linguistics, literature, media and communication, education, etc. You may participate as a panel organizer, presenter of one paper, chair of a session or observer.

For programs of previous conferences and other information, please visit the conference website:

Fee structure information is available on

Special arrangements will be made with a local luxury hotel for a limited number of rooms at a special conference rate. In addition, a number of special events will be organized: A Greek night of entertainment with dinner, a special one-day cruise to selected Greek islands, an archaeological tour of Athens and a one-day visit to Delphi. Details of the social program are available at
Please submit an abstract (email only) to:, using the abstract submission form available at, by the 1st December 2014, to:
Dr. Mert Uydaci, Professor, Marmara University, Turkey & Director, Human Development Research Division, ATINER, 8 Valaoritou Street, Kolonaki, 10671 Athens, Greece. Tel.: + 30 210 363-4210, Fax: + 30 210 3634209.

Please include: Title of Paper, Full Name (s), Current Position, Institutional Affiliation, an email address and at least 3 keywords that best describe the subject of your submission. Please use the abstract submitting form available at Decisions are reached within 4 weeks. If your submission is accepted, you will receive information on registration deadlines and paper submission requirements.

Should you wish to participate in the Conference without presenting a paper, for example, to chair a session, to evaluate papers which are to be included in the conference proceedings or books, to contribute to the editing of a book, or any other contribution, please send an email to Dr. Gregory T. Papanikos, President, ATINER & Honorary Professor, University of Stirling, UK ( 

The Athens Institute for Education and Research (ATINER) was established in 1995 as an independent world association of Academics and Researchers. Its mission is to act as a forum where Academics and Researchers from all over the world can meet in Athens, in order to exchange ideas on their research, and to discuss future developments in their disciplines.

Currently, ATINER is upgrading its system of mailing list. Please let us know if you want to receive emails from us. Typically, we will not send you more than 5 email alerts per year.

Wednesday, September 24, 2014

A Conversation with Recep Tayyip Erdogan

Speaker: Recep Tayyip Erdogan, President, Republic of Turkey Presider:

Fareed Zakaria, Host, Fareed Zakaria GPS, CNN

Council on Foreign Relations - September 22, 2014

Recep Tayyip Erdogan, president of Turkey, discusses regional stability, terrorism, and Turkish foreign policy.


An hour with Recep Tayyip Erdogan, President of Turkey.

An hour with Recep Tayyip Erdogan, President of Turkey.

Charlie Rose

Fikret Başkaya ile Korkut Boratav söyleşisi

Ozgur Universite - Çarşamba, 04 Haziran 2014

"Gezi kalkışması, Türkiye toplumunda  geçerli üretim/tüketim/yaşam tarzını reddeden; kamucu, eşitlikçi, sınırsız özgürlükçü (kısacası “komünist”) bir değer sisteminin tohum halinde var olduğunu; yeşermeye hazır olduğunu gösterdi."

Fikret Başkaya: Şimdilerde Türkiye ekonomisiyle ilgili olarak içerde “ orta gelir tuzağına” takılmaktan, dışarda da “eş-dost kapitalizminden” (crony capitalism) çok söz ediliyor. Tuzak kendiliğinden kurulan bir şey olmadığına, her zaman birileri tarafından kurulduğuna göre, siz bu söylem hakkında ne düşünüyorsunuz. Aslında bu “şeyleri adıyla çağırmamak” için yapılan ideolojik bir dalavere değil mi?

Korkut Boratav: İki terminolojik saptırma açısından tamamen sana katılıyorum. “Orta gelir tuzağı”, aslında kaynakları Marksist gelenekte yer alan; ancak, “kalkınma iktisadı” yazınına Arthur Lewis tarafından sokulan bir savın, yeni baştan dolaşıma girmesidir: Kapitalist bir ekonomi, emek rezervlerini tükettiği zaman, sadece sermaye birikim oranı ile sürüklenebilen “yaygın” büyüme biçimini geride bırakır; teknik ve teknolojik ilerlemenin sınırlarında dolaşmaya başlar.

Bu yaklaşımı yeni baştan ve tamamen farklı bir söylemle ortaya atanlar, sözü geçen durumun Türkiye için geçerli olmadığını da farketmiyorlar: Tarım sektöründe istihdam ile milli gelir payları arasındaki astronomik makas; işgücüne katılma oranının “olgun” kapitalist ekonomilerdekine göre 15  puan geride seyretmesi; genç nüfus için bu durumun daha da geri olması, ülkemizde âtıl emek rezervlerinin hâlâ çarpıcı boyutlarda varlığını gösteriyor. Sermaye birikim oranını bir türlü yükseltemeyen; üstelik tasarrufları aşındığı için giderek artan dış bağımlılığa sürüklenen;  bu yüzden  büyüme potansiyeli gerileyen bir durum, “orta gelir tuzağı” söylemiyle kaçınılmaz gösterilmektedir.
“Eş-dost kapitalizmi” ise, yine Marksist yazının önermelerinden birinin yozlaşmış halidir.  Kapitalist devlet, esas olarak  ekonomiye egemen olan sınıfın, yani kapitalistlerin denetimindedir; dolayısıyla devlet aygıtından kaynaklanan tüm kararlar, örneğin iktisat politikaları da ilke olarak burjuvazi tarafından belirlenir. Kapitalizm olgunlaştıkça, sermayenin ortak ve genel çıkarları (toplumsal ve siyasal kısıtlar da dikkate alınarak) belirleyici olur. Kapitalizmin erken aşamalarında, egemen sınıfların  güçlü ve/veya yükselen katmanlarının (toprak oligarşisi, ticari ve sınai burjuvaziler gibi) ağırlığı vardır. Sistemin doğuş, ilkel aşamalarında ise, bir  anlamda  “vahşi Batı” kuralları geçerlidir; örneğin sürü sahiplerinin silah gücü, toprak sahiplerine söz geçirebilir. Marksist sosyal bilimciler bu aşamaları ve süreçleri ülkeler düzleminde ve genel olarak çözümlemişlerdir. Şimdi başta Dünya Bankası olmak üzere neo-liberaller, çevre kapitalizmlerine özgü kimi farklılaşmaları, örneğin Doğu Asya veya Sovyet sisteminin yıkılması sonrasında oluşan (ve bizzat metropol sermayesinin katkı yaptığı) kapkaççı ve/veya ilkel servet biriktirme, el koyma biçimlerini, yeni terimler uydurarak betimlemeye çalışıyorlar.

Fikret Başkaya: Bu günkü durum, 1980’de “24 Ocak Kararlarıyla” benimsenen modelin doğal bir sonucu değil mi? 12 Eylül askeri darbesiyle asıl rotasına oturtulan, işte “dışa açılma”, “ihracat öncülüğünde büyüme” denilen aslında kompradorlaşma tercihi yapmak demek değil miydi? Eğer öyleyse bu günkü tablo kompradorlaşma tercihinin  doğal sonucu değil mi?

Korkut Boratva: Elbette Türkiye’de süreç 24 Ocak 1980’de başladı.  ABD ve İngiltere’deki Reagan-Thatcher dönüşümüyle eş-tarihlidir. Bence artık, kompradorlaşmadan ziyade, sermayenin sınırsız ve kapsamlı tahakkümünü hedefleyen bir karşı saldırıdan söz etmek daha uygundur.  Komprador burjuvazi, genellikle metropol sermayesinin belli öğelerine komisyonculuk yapan bir ilişkiyi içerir. Bugün ise, tekil, hiyerarşik bağıntılar yerine, emperyalizmin tümüne bağımlılık söz konusudur. Emperyalizmin merkezinin kontrolündeki IMF ve DB kurumların yönlendirmeleri, Türkiye gibi ülkeler için belirleyici olmuş; bizim burjuvazilerimiz ise sürece tam destek vermişler; başlangıcına katkı yapmış; sonuçlarına istisnasız teslim olmuşlardır. Kompradorun kendine özgü kimliği bu aşamada bu özellik tarihe karışmış; kesin bir teslimiyet söz konusudur.


Tuesday, September 23, 2014

Indiana University Goes to Turkey

History, heritage and culture in Istanbul 

Indiana University Press - September 23rd, 2014

To look out at the beautiful and busy Bosphorus strait here in the transcontinental city of Istanbul, Turkey’s largest city, is to be simply awestruck by the convergence of centuries upon centuries of history, heritage and culture.

For nearly 16 centuries in fact, this city, which straddles Europe and Asia, served as the epicenter of four empires: the Roman Empire (330-395), the Byzantine Empire (395-1204, 1261-1453), the Latin Empire (1204-1261) and the Ottoman Empire (1453-1922). Today, Istanbul is a buzzing, modern metropolis, its marvelously eclectic skyline dotted by mosques, cathedrals, towers and other historic structures, its bustling, hilly roads lined with cafes, restaurants, shops, street vendors and countless stray, but seemingly satisfied, cats.

It’s easy to see why the cats aren’t clawing to get out: Thus far, we’ve only been in this breathtaking city a day, and already it feels as if we’ve arrived at the center of this most important part of the world.

IU’s impact in Turkey
Indiana University’s connection to the historical and economic hub that is Turkey dates back more than 70 years. Currently, IU serves as the leading center in the U.S. for the study of Ottoman and modern Turkish language; is considered to be among the nation’s premier programs for the broader study of Turkish culture and history; and features the prestigious Turkish Flagship Center, the only federally funded program in this area.


Arif Dirlik Talk - Crisis and Criticism: The Predicament of Global Modernity

Monday, September 22, 2014

Düşüncesi şahsi damgasını taşıyan bir entelektüel: Sencer Divitçioğlu

Star - 20 Eylul, 2014

Solun içinde olup da eleştirel bakanlar arasında yazdıkları üzerinde en az durulan entelektüel Sencer Divitçioğlu’dur. Divitçioğlu’nun, yakın olduğu entelektüellerden daha az önemsenmesi, siyasetten uzak olmasından ve ufkunun evrensel bilgiye daha açık olmasından kaynaklanıyor. Aslında ikinci anlamda frekansı günümüzün okuryazarlarına daha uygun.

Prof. Dr. Kurtuluş Kayalı Ankara Üniversitesi
Bu topraklar çok mümbit. Bu coğrafya çok bereketli. 1900’lü, 1910’lu, 1920’li, 1930’lu yıllar doğumlu çok ciddi entelektüeller yetişmiş. Bunlar da düşünce dünyaları birbirine benzer, birbirleriyle özdeş entelektüeller değil. Çoğunun da ufku evrensele açık ve Türkiye’nin tarihten de gelen sorunlarını derinlemesine tahlil eden entelektüeller. Bunların geldiği toplumsal katmanlar da birbirinize benzer değil. İlginç olan şey, bu coğrafyanın yerlisi olan bazılarının yolu bir dönem Türkiye’nin Batıya açılan penceresi olan Galatasaray’dan geçiyor olması. Kemal Tahir, Lütfi Akad ve Şerif Mardin gibi... Aynı zamanda paşazadeler, üst gelir grubundan gelenler bu toplumun kaderiyle, ruhuyla zaman zaman çok sıkı bağlar kurabiliyorlar. Mesela doğru ya da yanlış biçimde bu topluma benzer şekilde baktığı düşünülen Sencer Divitçioğlu ve İdris Küçükömer’in geldiği toplumsal katmanlar farklı. Bu tarz düşün adamları genellikle herhangi bir grubun içinde ya da herhangi bir entelektüelle bağımlı düşün adamları değil. Çoğunun, neredeyse tamamının yazdıklarında kendi düşüncelerinin şahsi damgası var. Bu tarz insanlar, bu zamanlaması belirtilen tarihten sonra nispeten değil oldukça azaldı. Daha sonraki yılların entelektüelleri, aydınları, bir tek entelektüelden başka entelektüel tanımadıkları, tabiri caizse kargadan başka kuş tanımadıkları için Türk entelektüel hayatı olduğundan çok daha zayıf olarak biliyor. Çoğu kişi Türk düşüncesi diye bir şey mi var, diye soruyor. İşte Sencer Divitçioğlu bu yitip giden entelektüel kuşakların belki de son temsilcisi. Hem de düşünceleri üzerine en az durulanlardan biri. Neredeyse yaşarken yitip gitmiş olanlardan biri.


Friday, September 5, 2014

Senior Fellow, Turkish Affair - The Foundation for Defense of Democracies

The Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) seeks to hire a senior Turkey analyst to anchor a new Turkey program.  

Qualifications include:     
Minimum 10 years of experience in the political, policy, and/or NGO space    
Masters degree or higher    
Advanced written and spoken Turkish    
Strong communication skills    
Strong writing skills    
Ability to manage a small team    
Ability to think creatively and independently 

This position will answer directly to FDD’s vice president for research.  FDD is a nonprofit and nonpartisan national security and foreign policy institute devoted to independent research in the defense of free nations against their enemies. Founded in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States, FDD uniquely combines policy research, counterterrorism and democracy education, strategic communications, and investigative journalism to pursue the goal of a more secure future for America and her allies.  Interested applicants are encouraged submit a cover letter and CV to No phone calls, please. Salary commensurate with experience.


Wednesday, September 3, 2014

Lecture: "Turkish Foreign Policy and the Islamic State," a talk by Dr. Chris Kilford - Simon Fraser University

"Turkish Foreign Policy and the Islamic State," a talk by Dr. Chris Kilford, September 9, 11:30 AM
The CIC Vancouver Branch presents

Western governments, Saudi Arabia and Qatar have much to answer for regarding the rise of the Islamic State.  However, a good deal of the responsibility rests with the Turkish government and its support to Syrian opposition forces, which have become increasingly radicalised.  During his talk, Dr. Chris Kilford will discuss Turkish foreign policy in the region and recent events in Syria and Iraq.  
Dr. Kilford is the former Canadian Defence Attaché to Turkey. He retired from the Canadian Armed Forces in August 2014. During the last three years he was responsible for military relations between Canada and Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Turkmenistan. In this role, he observed and reported on numerous conflict and post-conflict issues in the region and conducted many visits to the Turkish-Syrian border where he met with members from the Syrian opposition. As a result of these and other assignments, he possesses extensive professional experience working in many complex conflict and post-conflict environments.
Today, Dr. Kilford is a Fellow with the Centre for International and Defence Policy at Queen's University. His research is focused on civil-military relations in Turkey and Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. He also recently joined Today's Zaman, Turkey's leading English langauge newspaper, as a columnist.
When:    September 9, Tuesday, 11:30 am - 2 pm
Where:   Law Courts Inn
                800 Smithe Street, Vancouver

$30 for CIC Member, $20 for CIC Student Member and $40 for Non-Member. Ticket sales end on September 8th. For more information and to purchase tickets, click here.

Friday, August 29, 2014

Turkey, Davutoglu and the Idea of Pan-Islamism

Behlül Ozkan

Survival: Global Politics and Strategy August–September 2014
Over the past decade, Turkey’s foreign policy has been synonymous with Ahmet Davutoglu and his doctrine of ‘stratejik derinlik’ (strategic depth). In 2010–11 he was on Foreign Policy’s list of the ‘Top 100 Global Thinkers’. Yet, despite this popular interest in Davutoglu, there are few academic studies of his foreign policy. He devised Turkey’s current, pan-Islamist approach in his work as an academic during 1986–2002, detailing his vision in hundreds of articles published in that period. Davutoglu consistently argued that the end of the Cold War provided Turkey with a historic opportunity to become a global power, as long as it followed an expansionist foreign policy based on Islamist ideology. According to Davutoglu, Turkey was to dominate its hinterland – the Middle East, the Balkans and the Caucasus – and thereby create a new Lebensraum (he uses the Turkish words ‘hayat alani’, which is a direct translation of the German Lebensraum, or ‘living space’). He began to turn his pan-Islamist vision into reality after 2002, following his appointment as foreign-policy adviser to the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), a position he held until he was made foreign minister in 2009.
Turkish foreign policy has had a troubled relationship with Islamist politics since 1970, the year in which Necmettin Erbakan established the Milli Nizam Partisi (National Order Party), the first Islamist party in the history of modern Turkey. At the time, Erbakan criticised other mainstream parties for striving to be part of the ‘Western club’, and opposed close links with Europe, instead idealising his country as a part of a future ‘Islamic Common Market’. Islamist intellectual Necip Fazil Kisakürek similarly imagined Turkey as the leader of an awakening Islamic world. Sezai Karakoç, an influential poet and thinker, claimed that the political borders of existing nation-states caused the partitioning of the ummah (Islamic community); in his view, a ‘Great Islamic Federation’ ought to be established in place of ‘artificial’ nation-states. These claims remained rhetorical, however, and were not taken seriously by Turkish elites, as Islamist politicians and intellectuals did not provide a feasible strategy for realising their ambitions. Erbakan’s Refah Partisi (Welfare Party) led Turkey’s 1995 elections (with 21% of the vote) by promising a ‘just order’ as a way out of the country’s political and economic crisis, but failed to deliver an equally appealing foreign-policy vision. Indeed, appointed in 1996 as the first Islamist prime minister of Turkey, Erbakan was unable to make significant changes to the country’s pro-Western foreign policy. Not only were the Islamist elites unskilled in diplomacy and unable to offer a credible alternative to Western orientation, they also had to contend with the long-standing domination of foreign policy by the country’s army and bureaucracy.


Turkey’s Imperial Fantasy


The New York Times - AUG. 28, 2014

In the late 1990s, as Turkey was reeling from various political and economic crises, there was a nationwide debate over European Union membership and whether Turkish accession to the union would solve the country’s problems.
Back then, I was a graduate student in International Relations at Marmara University. Among the professors in my department, there was only one who opposed Turkey’s integration with the West. He was a distinguished scholar of Islamic and Western political philosophy, and a genial figure who enjoyed spending hours conversing with his students. In his lectures, this professor argued that Turkey would soon emerge as the leader of the Islamic world by taking advantage of its proud heritage and geographical potential.
Now, 14 years later, that professor, Ahmet Davutoglu, has been named Turkey’s new prime minister.
Mr. Davutoglu’s classroom pronouncements often sounded more like fairy tales than political analysis. He cited the historical precedents of Britain, which created a global empire in the aftermath of its 17th-century civil war, and Germany, a fragmented nation which became a global power following its 19th-century unification. Mr. Davutoglu was confident that his vision could transform what was then an inflation-battered nation, nearly torn apart by a war with Kurdish separatists, into a global power.


A Content Analysis of the AKP's “Honorable” Foreign Policy Discourse: The Nexus of Domestic–International Politics

Ugur Cevdet Panayircia and Emre Iseri

Turkish Studies Volume 15, Issue 1, 2014  

This article examines political leaders' framing strategies during times of public diplomacy crisis. By focusing on the nexus of domestic–international politics, it argues that during public diplomacy crises, policy-makers would like to utilize their speech acts on foreign policy issues to manage expectations of domestic public opinion. This paper's main contention is to demonstrate that the head of AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) government, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, has instrumentalized his foreign policy speeches with the label of “honorable” to legitimize AKP's practices at the domestic level.


The truth behind the "Turkish model"

Ayse Bugra

Open Democracy - 25 August 2014

With former Prime Minister Erdoğan now firmly installed as President and promising a new Turkey, it is time to take a fresh look at the direction in which the country's political economy is headed. For over a decade, international media and many academic researchers have presented the “Turkish model” under the “moderately Islamic” Justice and Development Party (AKP) as a success story of economic development and political democracy in a Muslim country - made all the more attractive in an international environment dominated by the fear of radical Islam.
Since 2013, especially after the massive nationwide protests in the summer of that year, this enthusiasm has left its place to more critical appraisals. The media coverage of the country is now dominated by statements of concern about the state of the economy  -  and the increasingly authoritarian character of the regime. The praise, where it still persists, now has a different character. The Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orban, for example, recently pointed to Turkey (along with Singapore, China, India and Russia) to argue that non-Western countries which are not liberal democracies and “in some cases probably not even democracies” can be highly successful in the global race. However, Orban’s favourable assessment of Turkey’s performance as a global actor was preceded by several alarming accounts of the economy’s weaknesses, such as a huge current account deficit and the very high ratio of short term debt to the GNP.


Monday, August 18, 2014

Sociology of Islam Social Gathering (August 20th) at the Fourth World Congress for Middle East Studies” (WOCMES), METU, Ankara, Turkey

Dear all,

Some of you will be attending the Fourth World Congress for Middle East Studies” (WOCMES), METU, in Ankara, Turkey August 18-22, 2014. Please be advised that we, the Sociology of Islam Journal and mailing list will host a social gathering on Wednesday, AUGUST 20, 2014, in Ankara, Turkey. You are all invited to attend this social gathering. Please do not hesitate to bring your friends and colleagues.

Wednesday, AUGUST 20, 2014
7:30 PM – 10:00 PM

Swiss Hotel
The Ambassador Cafe
Yildizevler Mahallesi, Jose Marti Caddesi No: 2 ▪ Ankara 06550 ▪ Turkey

Please do not forget to attend our panels :

If you have any questions, you can contact me directly by email or phone: 0533-607-8465

We hope to see you in Ankara at the conference.

Best to all,

Tugrul Keskin

Assistant Professor of International and Middle Eastern Studies
Affiliated Faculty of Black Studies
Sociology and Center for Turkish Studies
Middle East Studies Coordinator (INTL)
Portland State University

Editor of Sociology of Islam Journal (Brill)
Region Editor of Critical Sociology (Middle East and North Africa)
Book Review Editor of Societies Without Borders

Thursday, August 7, 2014

The Long Winter: Turkish Politics After the Corruption Scandal

Mustafa Gurbuz

Rethink Institute, Washington DC
May 2014

On December 17, 2013, a major corruption investigation launched by Istanbul district prosecutors hit the news. The police raided the houses of fifty suspects who had been followed for more than a year, including the sons of three Turkish government cabinet ministers.
Mustafa Gurbuz argues that this event and its aftermath, coupled with a tense election campaign, ushered in a new era of politics in Turkey replete with unprecedented developments. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan reframed the corruption scandal as a global plot to overthrow his government, orchestrated by “external” and “internal” enemies. The government tried to stop the corruption investigation and related leaks by resorting to controversial measures that subdued the judiciary, controlled the media, expanded the powers of the intelligence agency, limited internet access, banned social media, and suppressed opposition.
Despite the AKP’s comfortable win in local elections on March 30, 2014, Erdoğan maintained his confrontational style and went on to further controversial measures. This suggests that the political deterioration Turkey experienced after December 17 was not just election fever, but rather a more comprehensive transformation that will, apparently, mark Turkish politics for some time to come.

Download the report.......

Monday, August 4, 2014

Turkish people are naively proud of themselves, survey shows

Barçın Yinanç

Hurriyet Daily News - Monday,August 4 2014

The findings of a new survey suggest Turks are pround of their country’s achievements but don’t know exactly why. The survey conducted by two professors also shows that despite the country’s elite’s global aspirations, ordinary citizens have remained parochial. ‘Global identity is something strange to the Turkish mind,’ says Ali Çarkoğlu

Turks are proud of their country’s accomplishments even though there is no empirical evidence to justify this feeling, according to the findings of a new survey.  “Turks are proud but they don’t know why,” said Professor Ali Çarkoğlu of Koç University, who conducted the survey together with Professor Ersin Kalaycıoğlu of Sabancı University.

The findings of the survey, “Nationalism in Turkey and the World,” which was conducted as part of the International Social Survey Program, revealed that religion is the primary factor shaping Turks’ national identity.

The survey suggests Turks are rather self-centered and there is a lack of feeling of international solidarity. This seems contradictory when we look at the reaction in the public about the Gaza bombardment.
The ruling party elites have increasingly become globalized. In every part of the world, the AKP [Justice and Development Party] leadership promised and delivered on being active. However, when it come to the masses, first of all, foreign relations are extremely complicated; people find it extremely difficult to comprehend what is happening in the outside world unless the leader simplifies those relationships.

In addition, this is a country that is increasingly becoming more open to the outside world, but we are not yet like the Swedes or the Germans. Many Turks do not have any direct link with the outside world. A typical Turkish family citizen would not have had gone outside the country. The Turkish public at large is very parochial – parochial in a sense that life revolves around the family and the neighborhood, and that’s basically it. Beyond that first circle, there is not much going on in the Turkish public psyche; as such, politicians also use this in an almost official line of argument that “The Turk has no friend but the Turk.”


Sunday, August 3, 2014

Turks Divided on Erdogan and the Country’s Direction

About Half Support Gezi Park Protests

PEW Research - July 30, 2014

As Turkey prepares to vote for its first ever directly elected president, a new Pew Research Center survey finds the Turkish public is divided over the main contender for the office, current Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
Erdogan and his party, the moderately Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP), have dominated Turkish politics for the last decade, overseeing considerable economic growth and an expanding role for Turkey in regional and world affairs. And most observers expect Erdogan to win the August 10 election.
But on a number of issues, Turks are almost evenly split between those who are happy with Erdogan’s leadership and the state of the nation, and those who believe the former Istanbul mayor is leading the country down the wrong path. Overall, 44% are satisfied with the country’s direction, while 51% are dissatisfied. Half say the economy is doing well, while 46% think it is in bad shape. Forty-eight percent say Erdogan is having a good influence on the country; the same percentage believes he is having a negative impact.


Friday, July 25, 2014

The stumbling emergence of social democracy in Turkey


Hurriyet Daily News - Friday,July 25 2014

Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is never happier than when he is slamming the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) as solely responsible for all the authoritarian ills of Turkey’s modern history. The point is hammered so effectively and relentlessly that it has become an uncontestable truth for many Turks, but like most tub-thumping political rhetoric from the bully pulpit it’s a gross oversimplification. In fact, the CHP has spent far more time out of power than in it throughout republican history, and the its traditional principles have had a far less tenacious hold on the Turkish state than many want to believe. Indeed, those principles have been robustly contested within the party itself.
This detailed study by Turkish academic Yunus Emre focuses on the emergence of the CHP’s social democratic wing in the 1950s and 1960s, examining the peculiar trajectory of a center-left outside of social democracy’s “native” Western Europe. To frame this emergence, Emre spends a long time sketching the party’s origins in the early years of the republic, when it was in charge as a single party government for 27 years. In many senses, this early CHP defined itself against the left: The existence of classes and class interests was flatly rejected by the Kemalist nation-builders, who emphasized the principle of a single corporatist nation undifferentiated by class struggle or division and suppressed the organized labor movement. The establishment of a national economy and a national bourgeoisie was prioritized; no class-based organizations were allowed until 1947 and socialism and socialist organizations were illegal until the 1960s (long after the single-party era had ended).


Sunday, July 20, 2014

OECD Economic Surveys: Turkey 2014

OECD - 10 July 2014

OECD's 2014 Economic Survey of Turkey examines recent economic developments, policies and prospects. The special chapter looks at structural change in the business sector.



Thursday, July 17, 2014

To Keep the Middle East Together, Don’t Let Iraq Split up

Ibrahim Kalin

Daily Sabah - June 20, 2014

The advance of ISIS and the miserable failure of the Maliki government to protect Iraqi citizens against it brought back the old discussions of splitting up of Iraq.

Given the rising tensions between Sunnis and Shias and the Kurdish aspiration for independence, some argue for a swift and pain-free division of the country. This, they claim, will create three states out of Iraq but keep the rest of the Middle East together.

Is this really the case? Or will the splitting up of Iraq be just the beginning of a reign of communal violence, terror, internecine wars and the socio-political disintegration of the entire Middle East?

Borders may change. There is nothing sacred about the current borders of the nation-state called Iraq. The question is how they change and under what circumstances. Dividing Iraq along ethnic and sectarian lines will be a disaster for all ethnic and sectarian relations in the region.


Wednesday, July 16, 2014

Obituary for Andrew Mango (1926-2014)


Hurriyet Daily News - July/08/2014

When a new ambassador arrives in a great city, it is always a slightly daunting experience. He or she has to slip into the scene as a central figure, even though most of the faces that he sees are new. For Turkish ambassadors arriving in London, however, there was always one face who they knew and who could be relied on to offer shrewd and authoritative opinions and advice to help them find their way. In Turkey and in Britain, Andrew Mango was for many years one of the staunchest friends of our country. What’s more, he knew far more about Turkey, its people and its history than many Turkish ambassadors, myself included. He had followed its news closely for decades at the BBC and afterward. His range of acquaintances stretched from the 1940s to the 21st century and he had a superb memory. He was also an exceptionally widely-read scholar. He could speak not just modern Turkish, but also the language of the late Ottoman Empire. He had completed a doctorate many years before on Persian poetry and his vocabulary was so wide that many Turkish professors of Ottoman language and literature marveled at it. He could talk about 19th century Ottoman history in detail and followed the range of books coming out on Turkey each year, writing a long review article covering them all for the Middle Eastern Studies journal.


Saturday, July 12, 2014

A New Report: What happened in the Gezi Park Protests? (Turkish)

Analysis of Gezi Park From the Participants' Perspectives

Mensur Akgün, Burak Cop, Yunus Emre, Çağla Gül Yesevi

Global Political Trends Center, Kultur University
May 2014

Introduction (Giris)
Reasons for Participation (Eylemlere Katılma Nedenleri)
Understanding the Gezi Park Protests (Gezi Ruhunu Anlama)
Instead of Conclusion (Sonuç Yerine)
Recommended Readings (Okuma Öneriler) 
Methodology (Metodoloji)
Chronology (Kronoloji)

Download the report......

Turkey Navigates Iraq in the New Middle East

Saban Kardas

The German Marshal Fund of the United States - July 11, 2014

The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) gains have put the impending political crisis in Iraq on international agenda. Turkey has also found itself at the center of this rapidly unfolding story, once again highlighting its critical position in the region. In line with its search for deeper engagement and multi-dimensionality, two main pillars of its foreign policy, Turkey has so far eschewed a containment policy and sustained its proactive involvement in the region. Despite some isolationist calls for disengagement following the advance of ISIS, Turkey will most likely maintain a selective engagement policy.


University of Graz is now announcing a Post-Doc and also a paid PhD position on Turkey

With its 3,800 employees and 30,000 students, the University of Graz provides an exciting and varied work environment. Due to our research and teaching competence we are a central institution for Styria's position as centre of research and education.
The Centre for Southeast European Studies is seeking a
University Assistant with PhD
(equivalent to Post-Doc)

(40 hours a week; fixed-term employment for the period of 5 years; position to be filled as of September 1st 2014)

Job specification
• Independent research
• Contribution to collaborative, third-party research (application, project management and realisation)
• Teaching and teaching support
• Student supervision

Professional qualifications
• PhD in the humanities or social sciences
• Master education in history, cultural studies, anthropology, comparative politics or international relations
• Excellent area studies knowledge of Turkey
• Experience in comparative scholarly research (willingness to work with qualitative methods is required, a background in quantitative methodologies is welcome)
• Excellent command of Turkish and English, preferably also knowledge of an additional southeast European language
• A good record in academic publishing
• Expert skills of MS-Office (Word, Excel, Powerpoint), experience with visualisation methods used in the qualitative social sciences (gephi, word clouds)
• Good teaching record
• Please provide a two-page proposal for a potential research project

Personal profile
• Innovative thinking and commitment to independent academic work
• Openness towards new research questions and methods
• Excellent communications- and management skills
• Outstanding social skills and teamwork abilities

Salary scheme of the Universitäten-KV (University Collective Agreement): B1
Minimum salary

The minimum salary as stated in the collective agreement and according to the classification scheme is EUR 3483.30 gross/month. This minimum salary may be higher due to previous employment periods eligible for inclusion and other earnings and remunerations.

We offer you a job with a lot of responsibility and variety. You can expect a challenging work environment, flexible work hours and possibilities for further education and personal development. Take advantage of the chance to enter into a challenging work environment with team spirit and excellence.

Application Deadline: July 30th 2014Reference Number: MB/116/99 ex 2013/14

The University of Graz strives to increase the proportion of women in particular in management and faculty positions and therefore encourages qualified women to apply.
If you are interested, please submit your application documents within the stated deadline. Make sure to indicate the reference number on your application and please send your CV with photo, certificates and proposal to:
Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz
Personalressort Universitätsplatz 3,
8010 Graz

For further information, please contact Dr. Kerem Öktem,

Wednesday, July 9, 2014

Disavowing Kurdish independence, Turkey prepares for Kurdish energy future


The Jerusalem Post - 07/08/2014

Turkey seems to have officially disavowed any support for the independence of the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq, despite AK Party deputy chairman Hüseyin Çelik’s June 28 comments to The Financial Times to the contrary. However, the KRG’s recent export of oil to Turkey’s Mediterranean oil port of Ceyhan, which after transshipment arrived in Israel’s Ashkelon port, highlighted the economic benefit to Turkey of a Kurdish political entity in Iraq with sufficient autonomy to market its energy independent of the constraints of the Iraqi central government in Baghdad.
Indeed, Ankara’s far-sighted effort to become a leading energy transportation hub includes a new oil refinery on Turkey’s Aegean coast and the Trans-Anatolian Natural Gas Pipeline that respectively can accommodate oil and natural gas from the autonomous Kurdish region of Iraq.
The new $5.6 billion STAR oil refinery is being built at the Petkim Petrochecmical Complex about 50 km north of the Turkish coastal city of Izmir. Petkim is the largest petrochemicals manufacturer in Turkey and currently accounts for approximately 30 percent of Turkey’s market share for refined petroleum products.


Tuesday, July 8, 2014

Turkish Prime Minister Erdoğan’s Non-Apologies to the Armenians and Kurds

Fatma Müge Göçek

E-International Relations - Jul 7 2014

On 23 April 2014, one day before the 99th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan issued a message through the Internet, delivering his condolences to the grandchildren of the victims of the Armenian genocide. He stated that great pain was experienced during World War I, that understanding and sharing this pain was a duty of humanity, and that what was experienced in 1915 had to be investigated. [1] Was this an apology? If it was, it was certainly different in tone from his prior 23 November 2011 apology to the Kurds for the massacres they suffered. [2] In the latter context, he referred to the debate he had with the opposition leader Kılıçdaroğlu over the Dersim massacres while delivering a speech to the city leaders of his party; he disclosed four official documents to demonstrate the opposition party’s culpability, and then concluded by stating that he apologized on behalf of the Turkish state since the opposition leader whose party was responsible failed to do so. This article briefly reviews the apology literature, articulates what a successful apology ought to contain, and then discusses the Armenian and Kurdish cases to argue that neither of the statements comprised an apology.


Monday, July 7, 2014

Post-Islamism in Turkey Panels at the Fourth World Congress for Middle East Studies” (WOCMES), METU, Ankara, Turkey August 18-22, 2014

Fourth World Congress for Middle East Studies” (WOCMES), METU, Ankara, Turkey August 18-22, 2014.


Co-sponsored by Sociology of Islam Journal 
Moderator Tugrul Keskin 
1.Intellectual debate on Post-Islamism - Associate Professor Michelangelo Guida - Istanbul 29 Mayis University
2.“Respeaking the Ottoman Words, Reliving the Ottoman World: The Cultural Significance of Turkey’s Imperial Past and Its Political Significance for Turkish Islamism(s)” Professor Kemal Silay – Indiana University, Bloomington
3.Vakif as Intent and Practice: Charity and Poor Relief in Contemporary Turkey  - Assistant Professor Damla Isik - Regis University
4.Muslimism and Sites of Hybridity: Re-theorizing Contemporary Islam in Turkey - PhD. Neslihan Cevik – University of Virginia

Co-sponsored by Center for Turkish Studies at Portland State University, Turkish and Ottoman Studies at Indiana University and Turkish Review
Moderator Kemal Silay 
1.Post-Islamism or Veering Toward Political Modernity? Ideology and Islam in the Gülen Movement - Post-Doctoral Research Fellow  - Fabio Vicini - 29 Mayıs University 
2.Becoming Muhacir, becoming Şakirde: A Case of Female University Students from Central Asia in the Gülen Movement in Turkey - MA Candidate - Marhabo Saparova - Sabanci University
3.Post-Islamist practices between Turkey and Tanzania: A perspective on teachers and businessmen inspired by Fethullah Gülen - Kristina Dohrn - Freie Universität
4. Emergent Actors, Emerging Narratives: Competing Representations of Islam and Turkey in North America - Oguz Alyanak PhD Student - Washington University in St. Louis Washington University St. Louis  

Co-sponsored by Critical Sociology
Moderator Isabel David   
1.AKP’s Shifts between Islamism and post-Islamism: What can the “December 17 Process” Tell Us? - Assistant Professor Beken Saatcioglu - MEF University
2.Beyond Takkiye vs. Liberalism?: Turkey’s “Post-Islamist” Foreign Policy - Assistant Professor  Nora Fisher Onar - Bahcesehir University
3.A Customized Neo-Liberalism with a Moral Call: An Assessment of the Growing JDP Connections in Turkish Businesses  - Reader, Gül Berna ÖZCAN University of London and Umut Gunduz Istanbul Technical University
4.Distilling the Problems of Post-Islamism through the case of Turkey’s AKP (or AKP through a glass darkly) PhD Bilge Azgin - University of Manchester

A New Book: Whose City Is That? Culture, Design, Spectacle and Capital in Istanbul

Editor(s): Dilek Özhan Koçak, Orhan Kemal Koçak

Cambridge Scholars Publishing - August 2014

Whose City is That? shows that Istanbul is produced not only by strong and systematic efforts, corporate influences and/or marketing activities, but also by individual contributions and coincidences. As such, the primary purpose of this book is to find the answer of to whom Istanbul does belong, presenting the reader with the richness of human experience and the practice of everyday life. The chapters in this book are therefore focused on the physical and economic dimensions, as well as the imaginary, fictional and hyper-real dimensions, expressing the concern of bringing the real and imaginary borders of the city together. The book provides an understanding that for each inhabitant there is another city, another Istanbul. Each person living in the city creates or lives in another city which is made of their own personal and particular experiences. In addition, the Istanbul the authors understand and describe turns into something different moment by moment, which cannot be defined or identified because of its very nature as a megacity. However, its flow is not aimless and non-directional, and each sign is not causeless or dateless. In this context, in order to make the possibilities of the city visible, the contributors to this volume ask: “Istanbul, whose city is it?” The title of the book enables different academics to ask the same question using different methodologies and subjects. The question “Whose City is That?” and the necessity of studying Istanbul using multidisciplinary perspectives brought many researchers from different fields together, because the city is larger than one approach and the constraints of one “unique” field. Gathering researchers and academics from various disciplines, such as communication studies, cultural studies, cinema/media studies, literature, the fine arts, city and regional planning, political science, social and economic geography, anthropology, and architecture enables each to think about the city alone and together, so as to create new forms of thought and discourse about Istanbul.


Friday, July 4, 2014

Kitap Elestirisi: Gazetecinin Olumu, Elcin Poyrazlar - Ithaki Yayinlari, Istanbul 2014

Bu kitabin elestirisi Tugrul Keskin tarafindan yapilmistir.

Post Modern Siyaset Sehrinde Dogruyu Aramak

20’inci yuzyilin ikinci yarisinin siyasi tarihine iyisi veya kotusu ile hic kuskusuz damgasini vuran Amerika Birlesik Devletlerinin baskentinde gazeteci olmak, eger DC’ye torpille atanmiyorsaniz, gercekten egitim, tecrube, enerji, bilgi birikimi, analiz yetenegi, ve iyi bir netvork gerektirir. Cunku Washington’da yasayanlarin tanimladigi gibi DC, sosyal, siyasi ve ekonomik aglar ile orulmus post modern bir sehirdir. Bu karmasik ve guclu aglar zincirinin, hayatin her alanini kapsadigi bir sehirde yasam gazeteciler icin bir hayli zordur. Iste bu baglamda DC’de uzun yillar gazetecilik yapmis olan Cumhuriyet gazetesinin Washington temsilcisi Elcin Poyrazlar’in yazdigi polisiye kurgu roman, Gazetecinin Olumu’nu okurken DC’yi bilenler ile bilmeyenler arasindaki farkin ayirdina vardim desem herhalde yalan olmaz. Hayatimin belli bir donemini gecirdigim bu sehirde edindigim tecrube ve bilgi, her ne kadar kurgu da olsa, Elcin Poyrazlar’in romaninda anlatmaya calistigi mekanlar, kisiler ve olaylar ile hafizami tazeledi.

Washington’da Turk-Amerikan iliskilerinin dalgali oldugu bir donemde bulunurken gece yarisi kendisine gelen bir telefonla hayati degisen bir Turk gazetecisi olan Selin Uygar’in, siyaset ve Washington’da ki aglar zincirindeki kisa bir kesitini anlatan bu romani daha iyi anlayabilmek icin Washington’u da iyi bilmeniz gerekiyor. Cunku kurgu kisiler, mekanlar ve olaylar sizin sadece roman okumak ile ilgili olan zevkinizi tatmin edebilir, fakat Washington’u taniyorsaniz bu kitaptan daha zevk alabilirsiniz. Washington’u tanimak sadece iki haftalik ziyaret ile ilgili degildir; insanlari, iliskileri, ve mekanlari da kendi semtiniz gibi bilmenizi gerektirir. Poyrazlar’in bunu her ne kadar hatalar da olsa Gazetecinin Olumu’nde basardigini dusunuyorum.

Romandaki Ulke gazetesinin Washington temsilcisi genc bir bayan olan Selin’in, yasamini bir kenara birakirken isini yani gazeteciligi bir yasam felsefesi olarak benimsemesini ve kendi celiskilerini anlatirken, basindan gecen olaylari polisiye kurgu bicimde yaziya dokmustur. Zaten bu celiskiyi, Elcin Poyrazlar, Gonul hanim ile Selin arasinda gecen konusmada da yansitmisa benziyor: “Haber, haber, haber. Hepiniz aynisiniz diye veryansin etti kadin, asktan, evlilikten, aileden once hep haber gelir degil mi?” (74). Bu roman, her ne kadar bazi abartmalar olsa da, Washington’da ki bir gazetecinin hayatindan kesittir. Bu kesit bize bulundugu sehirde ki diger gazeteciler, diplomatlar, casuslar ve normal insanlar ile iliskilerini yansitir. Bu iliskilerin bir kismi diplomatlar orneginde oldugu gibi cok yapmacik, az bir kismi ise, Selin’in Maryland’ta ki Gizli Bahce Oteli ve sahipleri gibi samimi guncel insanlari ve olaylari icerir. Zaten hayatin kendiside bu ince cizgiyi korumak degilmidir.

Romandaki olaylar zinciri, Selin’in aldigi isimsiz bir telefonda Vedat Oldu uyarisi ile baslar. Olen Vedat Yildirim, Washington’da uzun yillar gazetecilik yapan Yeni Donem gazetesinin Washington temsilcisidir. Onemli bir haberin pesindeyken kafasina kursun sikilarak oldurulmus ve cesedi Potomac nehrinin kiyisina atilmistir. Hem gazetecilik hem de insani bir duygu ile hareket eden Selin ise olayi cozmek icin ugras verirken kendisini Washington’un karanlik dehlizleri ve iliskiler agi icinde bulur. Bu hem tehlikeli hem de eglenceli bir surecide beraberinde getirir, her ne kadar Selin bunu tehlikeli de bulsa, her gercek gazeteci gibi haberin pesinden gitme durtusu onu cesitli olaylarin icine surukler. Kirli iliskiler agi icinde bazi Turk diplomatlarin samimiyetsiz davranislari, gazetecileri bilgi almada kullanmak istemeleri, tehdit etmeleri, veya bazi amerikalilarin onlari Turkiye’ye mesaj vermede kullanmalari, Washington’daki gazetecileri ince bir ipte oynayan cambaza benzetir. Bu acidan eger Washington’a torpille belli iliskiler agina takdim edilmek icin gelmediyseniz, isiniz bir hayli zordur. Cunku Selin gibi kendi iliskilerinizi kendiniz yaratmaniz gerekebilir, bagimsiz olmaniz demek, aslinda Washington’da yanliz olmaniz demektir. Yanlizligin ise bir bedeli vardir, bu bedel sizin haber kaynaklarinizin sinirlanmasi olarak sizi kisitlayabilir. O yuzden kendi haber kaynaklarinizi kendiniz yaratirken Selin gibi, tecrubeli Amerikali kaynaklar bulmaniz gerekir. Selin’in akil hocasi Matt Davis herhalde buna en iyi ornektir. Washington’u bilen eski kurt bir gazetecinin hem iliskileri gucludur hemde tecrubesi ile sizin yarariniza olabilecek tavsiyelerde bulunarak sizin onunuzu acabilir.      

Selin’in belitttigi gibi “Washington gizli veya acik herkesin ayni firinda ekmek yedigi kucuk bir koydu. O firinin tek urunu ise politikaydi.” (18) Iste bu yuzden her ne kadar Turk elcileri, Turk gazetecilere elciligin onlarin bir evi oldugunu soylesede bu hic bir zaman dogru degildir. Elciligin gazeteciler ile olan iliskileri her zaman karisik olmustur, zaten Selin bunu romanda, Vedat Yildirim’in Turk elciliginde basin atasesi Faruk ve Kultur atesesi Mehmet ile olan karmasik iliskilerinde butun acikligi ile gosterir (22). Diplomatlarin tehditkar tavirlari ile gazetecileri rahatsiz etmeleri gayet dogal olarak gozukebilir, cunku diplomat icin gazeteci bir dost degil, bir bilgi kaynagidir, ne kadar cok bilgi alirsa o kadar guzel kariyer yapabilir. Bilgiyi alirken, yanlis yonlendirme de yapan bu eski burokratlara en iyi ornek herhalde Henri Barkey’in yakin dostu eski Washington elcisi Namik Tan olsa gerektir. Tan Washington’da ki Turk gazetecileri yanlis bilgilendirme ve yonlendirmede ki ustaligi ve bunu amirlerine buyuk bir zevk ile anlatmasi bazi diplomatlarin psikolojisini anlamada bize yardimci olabilir. Cunku diplomatlarin amaci yukselmek elci olmaktir, gazetecinin ise haber yapmak ve isini devam ettirmek. Washington bu baglamda aslinda herkesin ekmegini pisirdigi firinidir. Bazilari vatan icin veya haber icin mucadele ederken bazilari da Elcin Poyrazlar’in romaninda betimledigi dusuk karakterli kariyer oyuncularidir.     
Selin sadece diplomatlardan degil, gazetecilerin cikara dayali kirli ve karmasik iliskiler aginida romaninda anlatir, belki de bunun en guzel ornegi Express gazetesinin temsilcisi Resat Kurtman’dir (26).  Romanda carpici baska bir ayrinti ise Selin’in Amerikalilara daha fazla guvenmesidir. Selin’in, Tyler Gordon taniminda (28) zaten bu acik bir sekilde belirtilirken bunun dogruluk payina katilmamak elde degildir.

Selin’in kendisine “Vedat Oldu” haberini telefonda bildirdigini zannetigimiz John Dike ile tanismasi, Washington’un taninmis semtleri ve mekanlarinda bulusmasi, bulusurken Dike’in O’na aslinda Vedat’a onerdigi haberi yapmasi icin yardim etmek istemesi bize DC’nin casusluk agi ornegini sergilerken, bu ilginc oldugu kadar tehlikeli, bir o kadar da eglenceli bir dunyaya bizi goturur. Iste bu asamada Selin’in Amerikali gazeteci dostu Davis ile bulustugu Kramer kafeye gitmesi, Dike ile Kongre Kutuphanesinde bulusmasi, Capital Hill’de oturmasi, Logan Circle’da yurumesi ve Georgetown’in yuzyila yaklasan evlerinden bahsederken sehrin aslinda bir yasayan olarak tasvirini yapmasi bizi sadece bir romana veya siyasi olaylar zincirine baglamaz, ayrica bu sehiri tanimamiza da yardimci olur.             

Vedat Yildirim’in cinayetini cozerken, Selin Uygar’in Ulke gazetesi icin yaptigi ABD Ile Anlasmali Kavga haberi aslinda Poyrazlar’in bizi sadece romana degil de yasanan siyasete de odaklanmamiz gerektigini vurguluyor gibi (77). Cunku Turk-Amerikan iliskileri son 12 yilda sanki farki bir boyuta girmis gibi gozukuyor. Romanin ilerleyen yerlerinde gazeteci Ali’nin MIT ajani olarak ozel bir gorevle Washington’a gelmesi aslinda kitabin casusluk, siyaset ve polisiye bir kurgu olmasini cok guzel ozetliyor denilebilir (90). 

Poyrazlar’in romaninda anlatmaya calistigi sanki bizi gercek olaylar zincirine goturmek istercesine kisa mesajlar verirken, Selin Uygar’in Ulke gazetesi (106) veya Matt Davis ile birlikte New York Times (106) icin yaptigi Turk-Amerikan iliskilerine dair haberler okurda acaba bunlar dogru olabilir mi sorusunu akla getiriyor. Acaba romanda bahsedien Turkiye Basbakani Cevat Koc ile ABD Baskan yardimcisi Dick Redford arasinda gecen konusma ve Turkiye’de konuslandirilmak istenen ABD ozel kuvvetlerinden bir ekibin ve Dick Redford’un Blackhawk adli silah sirketi ile olan iliskileri (162) bize aslinda DC’nin karanlik ve bir o kadar da heyecanli dunyasina goturuyor.     

DC gibi Post Modern bir siyaset sehrinde dogru yoktur; siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal cikarlar uzerine kurulmus iliskiler agi mevcuttur, bu agda devlet, millet, vatan gibi kavramlar genelde Marks’in Kapital’in de bahsettigi piyasa ekonomisinde ki alinip satilan urunler olarak algilanir, bu baglamda bizim toplumumuzun anladigi dunya ya ters bir yapi oldugundan, bizim etik ve ahlaki kavramlarimiz ile tanimlanamaz. O’nu anlayabilmek icin, o surecin icine girmeniz gerekir; girdiginizde ise bambaska bir dunya ile karsilasirsiniz, sizi celbeder, cunku bu surec guc, para, hirs kavramlari uzerine kurulmus kapitalist yozlasmanin insandaki en ust noktasini teskil eder. Bu baglamda Elcin Poyrazlar’in belirttigi gibi, DC’de “bilgi cok tehlikeli bir silahtir, dogru kullanmazsaniz size oldurur” (36). Washington’dan hasbelkader gecmis bazi Turk gazetecilerin yaptigi abartmali kitaplarin aksine, bir Turk gazetecinin boyle bir calisma yapmasinin onemli oldugunu dusunuyorum.  Her ne kadar Elcin Poyrazlar, bu ilk romaninda Tom Clancy’nin amator bir versiyonu gibi gorunsede, bu polisiye kurgu romani, siyaset ile ilgilenen ve Washington’u anlamak isteyen herkese tavsiye ederim.            

[1] Tugrul Keskin Portland Devlet Universitesinde Uluslararasi Iliskiler, Sosyoloji ve Afrika Arastirmalari konularinda ders vermekte olup, ayni universitesinin Ortadogu Arastirmalari lisans programi direktorudur.  

Wednesday, July 2, 2014

Ekümenopolis: Ucu Olmayan Şehir | 2012 (English Subtitle)

Ottoman Nostalgia: A Proactive Turkey in the Middle East?

Joshua Walker

War on the Rocks - July 1, 2014

Istanbul, Turkey –  Nostalgia for the Ottoman Empire has been on the rise as of late. The Ottoman Sultan’s seal can be found on T-shirts, advertisements, and jewelry everywhere in its old imperial capital of Istanbul. More alarmingly, the jihadists of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) are now proclaiming a new Islamic caliphate in former Ottoman provinces.  The shadows of history over the Middle East bring back images of 1916, when the current lines of the Middle East were drawn by the British and French empires in the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement. Four years later, the Treaty of Sevres was intended as the fait accompli, dismantling as it did what remained of the Ottoman Empire.  The effects of these nearly hundred-year old events are being felt and bitterly remembered in Turkey today. Yet it’s not just the ancient past, but more recent history that should trouble Ankara. With the fall of Mosul and the kidnapping of the Turkish Consul General and over 80 Turkish citizens, the painful shadows of Al-Qaeda’s attacks in Istanbul a decade ago hover over Ankara once again. In the 1920s, Mosul was claimed by the new Turkish Republic and was the subject of one of the League of Nation’s first major arbitrations, thereby assuring itself a special significance in Turkish historical memory.


Tuesday, July 1, 2014

Expats stranded in Turkey due to residence permit delays

By Samantha North 

The Telegraph - 01 Jul 2014

Expats in Turkey have experienced difficulties travelling abroad since the introduction of new residency permit regulations in April, with long delays in paperwork being processed.  The Istanbul foreigners’ department website has advised that expats waiting to apply for or to receive their residency permits (known as ikamet in Turkish) may be stopped at the airport if they attempt to leave or re-enter Turkey.  According to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 40,000 British people currently live in Turkey. Foreigners wishing to apply for an ikamet have to book an appointment to visit the local police. But there are long delays for available appointments. The Istanbul police department website shows no available slots until October 2014.