Society, Politics, and Economy in Modern Turkey: Sociology of Turkey - Maintained by Tugrul Keskin
We are at a point in our work when we can no longer ignore empires and the imperial context in our studies. (p. 5)
― Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism

Sunday, April 24, 2016

2015 Yılı İşçi Sınıfı Eylemleri Raporu

Emek Çalışmaları Topluluğu

2015 yılında basına yansıyan 1.116 işçi sınıfı eylemi tespit edilmiştir. Bir başka deyişle 2015 yılında günde ortalama 3,1 basına yansıyan işçi sınıfı eylemi gerçekleşmiştir. Bunlardan 31’i dayanışma eylemi, 95’i ise genel ey- lem niteliğindedir. Kalan 990 eylemin bazıları aynı işyerinde aynı sorun ya da talepler et- rafında gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bu türden eylemleri birleştirdiğimiz takdirde 628 adet “işyeri temelli eylem” olarak adlandırdığımız kimi birkaç saat, ki- miyse aylar süren eylemler ile karşılaşmaktayız. Bu rapor asıl olarak 628 işyeri temelli eylem üzerinedir. En çok işyeri temelli eylemin gerçekleştiği ay, 127 eylemle Ocak ayıdır. Metal Fırtına’nın zirve yaptığı Mayıs ayı 117 sayısıyla ikinci sırada gelir. Eylemlerin sayısı, seçimlerin ve yükselen çatışmanın ülke gündemine damgasını vurduğu yılın ikinci yarısında keskin bir şekilde düşmüş ve Temmuz sonrasında 50 bandının altında seyretmiştir. 628 işyeri temelli eylemin...

RAPORU INDIRMEK ICIN.......

Wednesday, March 30, 2016

Türkiye'de İslamcılık Düşüncesi Paneli Ozeti

Erkan Çav

Maltepe Üniversitesi'nde, bugün, 30 Mart 2016'da gerçekleştirilen "Türkiye'de İslamcılık Düşüncesi" başlıklı program, dinleyenlerin zihinlerinde katman katman yeni bakışlar açarak oldukça verimli geçti. Prof. Dr. Bedri Gencer'in İslamcılık düşüncesini tarihsel ve kavramsal boyutlarda "Asr-ı Saadet dönemi", "Son-emperyal dönemi", "Cumhuriyet ilk dönemi", "İki dünya savaşı arası dönem", "Soğuk Savaş dönemi" ve "Post-İslamcılık dönemi" olarak tasniflediği dönemlendirme üzerinden söylem ve eylem açıklığına işaret eden İdeoloji'ye bağlı "Namaz kılmayan İslamcı/Muhafazakar" ile Geleneksel yaklaşımın amel ve yaşama birliğine vurgu yapan "Hikmet" üzerinden somutlaşan "Söylem ve eylem birliği", "Söylediğini yaşama, yaşadığını söyleme", "Konuştuğu gibi olma, olduğu gibi konuşma" perspektiflerini içeren kuşatıcı teorik eleştirel bilgilendirmesi; Yrd. Doç. Dr. Merve Kavakçı'nın 2004-2015 yılları arasındaki Washington'daki Üniversite deneyimi esnasında ABD devlet yöneticileri ile yaptığı çalışmalardan kazandığı bilgilerin, ailesinin Milli Nizam Partisi'ne değin uzanan kişisel birikimi ve kendisinin Refah Partisi ve Fazilet Partisi süreci ile birleşen bilgi havuzunu bizatihi "siyasetle iştigal ederek" genişleten "İslamcılık", İslamcı Siyaset", "İslamcı Siyasetçi" gibi kavramların geçmiş ve güncel değerlendirmelerine yaşanmış örnekler üzerinden nihayetinde "Türkiye'de İslamcılık Düşüncesi" kavramı yerine "Türkiye'de Müslüman Düşüncesi" kavramlaştırması önerisine uzanması; Prof. Dr. Ergun Yıldırım'ın İslam dünyasını kuşatan örnekler üzerinden geliştirdiği farklı yönelimlerde açılımlara varmaya imkan veren İslam dünyası ölçeğindeki karşılaştırmalı ve eleştirel bakışı; Doç. Dr. Alev Erkilet'in İslamcılık düşüncesine ilişkin kavramların içeriksel dönüşümleri eksenindeki genişletici bakışını tamamladığı "İslami Hareketler Ailesi" kavramlaştırması ve bu kavramlaştırmanın biri 1960'lara, diğeri 1980'lerde olmak üzere iki hareket örneklemi üzerinden yaptığı karşılaştırmalı değerlendirmesi ve Prof. Dr. Sami Şener'in başlangıçtan itibaren "İslamcılık" kavramının İslam toprakları dışından dayatıldığı, yani Edward Said'in vurgulaması ile "Oryantalist bir Proje" olarak Batı'nın projesi ve politikası olduğu, bu toprakların, Müslüman topraklarının "yerli", yani İslami bir kavramlaştırma olmadığı düşüncesi ile başlayan ve her bir konuşmacının konuşmasını birbiri ile bağlayan öz ve eklemlendirci ara konuşmaları ile devam eden değerli moderatörlüğü ile, iki tur halinde 3 saate yaklaşan, derinlik ve içerik açısından İslamcılık düşüncesinin kökenlerine inen, zenginleştirici, ufuk açıcı ve yeni sorularla ve sorgularla geleceğe ilişkin çalışmalar için değerli çiçeklenmeler veren bir düşünce paylaşımı sağladı. Programa katılım öğretim üyeleri düzeyinde yüksek nitelikteydi. Öğrencilerimizden de konuya ilgi duyanların katılımı dikkat çekiyordu. Programı planlayan ve organize eden Maltepe Üniversitesi Uluslararası İlişkiler ve AB (İngilizce) Bölüm Başkanı Yrd. Doç. Dr. Tugrul Keskin e; programa olanak sağlayan Maltepe Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü'ne ve Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü'ne, bu günlerin "yozlaşmaya" ve "yozlaştırılmaya" müsait böylesine önemli bir konusunu "tefekkür etme" düzeyinde ele alan bu programa verdikleri destekten dolayı teşekkür ediyorum.

Sunday, March 27, 2016

Call for Papers: American Foreign Policy and the Middle East - Maltepe University, Istanbul, Turkey May 24-25, 2016


Call for Papers:

American Foreign Policy and the Middle East

Organized by Social Science Institute (Graduate School) Maltepe University

Maltepe University
Istanbul, Turkey
May 24 and 25, 2016

Marmara Eğitim Köyü, Maltepe/Istanbul – TURKEY (0216) 626 1050

The Program Fee is $425 includes conference participation, accommodations (4 days hotel: includes food (breakfast, lunch and dinner), local and airport transportation and reception dinner. If you would like to stay 2 days (instead of 4 days) the cost is $260.

Social Science Institute (Graduate School) Maltepe University invites interested scholars and advanced graduate students to submit proposals for the conference below. The event will take place at Maltepe University, Istanbul, May 24 and 25, 2016. Please submit a 200-word paper proposal along with your short bio to:  tugrulk@vt.edu or tugrulkeskin@maltepe.edu.tr by April 3, 2016.

Objectives and Description:
The conference aims to investigate and examine the emergence, development and transformation of American Foreign Policy towards the Middle East from the 1940s to the present time. United States imperial interests in the region date back to 19th century missionary movements; however, the US began to play a major role in the region right after WWII, with the Cold War Era. In the meantime, the establishment of NATO, declaration of Israeli Independence in 1948 and the creation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict created chaotic political dilemmas for the US as well as for regional alliances. In addition, the reliance of the American economy on oil, and its support for Israel transformed US foreign policy into a ‘dependent’ Foreign policy. This is shown in the way that interest groups have played a major role in their ability to shape US Foreign Policy in the region. In this conference, we examine the emergence, development and transformation of American Foreign Policy Toward the Middle East since the 1940s and in doing so, we will examine Iranian, Turkish, Israeli and Arab perspectives. We would therefore like to see the following themes in the papers:

Emergence and Development of American Foreign Policy Towards the Middle East
American Foreign Policy Towards the Middle East in the Cold War and the Post-Cold War Eras
American Foreign Policy Towards Iran
American Foreign Policy Towards Turkey
American Foreign Policy Towards Israel
American Foreign Policy Towards the Arab States

THE CONFERENCE PROCEEDINGS WILL BE PUBLISHED IN AN EDITED VOLUME

ADVISORY BOARD
Dr. Barış Doster, Marmara University, Turkey
Dr. Bassam Haddad, George Mason University, USA
Dr. Behlul Ozkan, Marmara University, Turkey
Dr. Can Ulusoy, Maltepe University, Turkey
Dr. Geoffrey Gresh, National Defense University, USA
Dr. Kemal Silay, Ottoman and Modern Turkish Studies Chair, Indiana University, USA
Dr. Imad Mansour, Qatar University, Qatar
Dr. Jamsheed Choksy, Indiana University, USA
Dr. Mohammedmoin Sadeq, Qatar University, Qatar
Dr. Neslişah Leman Başaran, Maltepe University, Turkey
Dr. Sean Folley, Middle Tennessee State University, USA
Dr. Süleyman Seyfi Öğün, Maltepe University, Turkey
Dr. Tuğrul Keskin, Maltepe University, Turkey

Conference Program

MONDAY May 23, 2016
Welcome Reception -

TUESDAY May 24, 2016

9:00 - 9:30 Opening Ceremony

9:00 - 9:15 Welcome Speech by President Sahin KARASAR, Maltepe University

9:15 - 9:30 Opening Remarks by TBA

10:00 - 11:30 Panels

1. Panel: EMERGENCE AND DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE MIDDLE EAST

11:30-13:00 Lunch

13:00-14:30
2. Panel: AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE MIDDLE EAST IN THE COLD WAR ERA AND THE POST-COLD WAR ERA

14:30-15:00 Coffee Break

15:00-16:30
3. Panel: AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS IRAN

18:00 – 20:00 DINNER
Closing Remarks by Dr. Jamsheed Choksy, Indiana University, USA

WEDNESDAY, May 25, 2016

10:00-11:30

4. Panel: AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS TURKEY

11:30-13:00 Lunch

13:00-14:30
5. Panel: AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS ISRAEL

14:30-15:00 Coffee Break

15:00-14:30     
6. Panel: AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS ARAB STATES

Friday, March 25, 2016

Maltepe Üniversitesi EDWARD SAİD Seminerleri: Türkiye'de İslamcılık Düşüncesi - 30 mart 2016 Çarşamba

EDWARD SAİD Seminerleri

TÜRKYE'DE
SLAMCILIK DÜÜNCES
  
1. Alev Erkilet, stanbul Sabahattin Zaim Üniversitesi 2.Ergün Yıldırım, Marmara Üniversitesi
3.Bedri Gencer, Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi
4. Merve Kavakçı, PAMER, Üsküdar Üniversitesi
Oturum Ba
kanı: Prof.Dr.Sami ENER SYASET ARATIRMALARI BRMBAKANI, Medeniyet Üniversitesi

Maltepe Üniversitesi   
30 mart 2016 Çarşamba 
13:00 - 15:00 
Yabancı Dİller Yüksekokulu Mustafa Necatİ Konferans Salonu

Monday, March 14, 2016

A New Book: The Burden of Silence: Sabbatai Sevi and the Evolution of the Ottoman-Turkish Donmes Cengiz Sisman

OXFORD SCHOLARSHIP - 2015

This book presents a social and religious history of the Sabbatean movement from its birth in the Ottoman Empire in the seventeenth century to the Republic of Turkey in the first half of the twentieth century. Initiated by a Jewish “messiah,” Sabbatai Sevi (1626–1676), the movement became an influential historical event, in terms of its rapid dissemination and widespread impact, combining Jewish, Islamic, and Christian religious and social elements in the early modern Eurasian world. When Ottoman authorities forced Sevi to convert to Islam in 1666, his followers formed a messianic crypto Judeo-Islamic sect, Dönme, lived mainly in Salonica, Izmir, and Istanbul, and which has survived to the present. During this long process of self-preservation, the book argues, the Dönmes internalized the Kabbalistic philosophy of a “burden of silence” to conceal their practices from their often hostile surroundings. They came to believe that they must keep their identities secret on pain of “spiritual” and material punishments, which shaped their responses to internal and external challenges over centuries. This “burden of silence” became the core aspect for the Dönme Kabbala. In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, well-educated and well-organized community members played important roles in modernizing and secularizing Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic. By using Ottoman, Turkish, Jewish, and European written and oral sources, the book narrates and analyzes the Dönme history against broader topics such as messianism, conversion, crypto- and hybrid identities, modernism, and memory.

READ MORE.....

Tuesday, March 1, 2016

Relocation of IPSA Congress

From: Talip Kucukcan <talipkucukcan@gmail.com>
Date: Sunday, February 28, 2016 at 11:24 AM
To: Sociology of Islam <SOCIOLOGY_OF_ISLAM@listserv.vt.edu>
Cc: Sociology and Global Studies <tugrulk@vt.edu>
Subject: Relocation of IPSA Congress

Dear Friends,

IPSA decided to relocate 2016 Istanbul Congress reportedly on security grounds. I urge you to send and share the following letter with IPSA Chair  in order not to surrender threats to academic community. We need to stand together against violence and terrorism.

(info@ipsa.org)

(Istanbul2016@ipsa.org)

Best

Talip Kucukcan

INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION (IPSA)
1590, av. Docteur-Penfield, bureau 331
Montreal, QC H3G 1C5
Canada

27 February 2016

Dear President Professor Aiji Tanaka,

We have been informed that the 24th World Congress of the International Association of Political Scientists scheduled to take place in Istanbul between 23-28 July 2016 has been cancelled.

As a social scientist and a new politician, I would like to stress that I am saddened and diasppointed by this sudden devcision. As you would agrree, Istanbul is one of the most suitable venues for such a meeting not only since it bridges East and the West but also offers an insight into different civilizations. Moreover, cosmopolitan nature and spirit of this great city would capture the imagination of political scientists in a dynamic country such as Turkey where there is a lively and  dynamic political life.

It has been reported in the media that the Congress was cancelled for security reasons. In fact, Istanbul is one of the safest cities in the world if you compare it with other cities of similar size. Therefore I urge you re-consider your decision and let political scientists to meet and enjoy charms of Istanbul. Such a decision will be also a strong message to those who are prone to use violence that the world political scientists do not have any fear and they firmly stand by values and principles of democracy. I believe that showing such a solidarity against terror and violence is both an academic and moral responsibility that we sholder together.

I look forward to hearing from you to disscuss the issue and to explore how we can facilitate the Congress to be held in Istanbul.

Yours sincerely,

Prof. Dr. Talip Kucukcan

--
Talip Kucukcan (PhD)
Department of Sociology
Marmara University
Istanbul
Turkey

Saturday, February 27, 2016

Associate Professor in Modern Turkey: History, Language, Culture - University of Oslo


A permanent (tenure) position of Associate Professor in Modern Turkey: History, Language, Culture is available at the Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages, University of Oslo.
The holder of the position is expected to initiate and lead research related to historical, social and cultural developments in Turkey in the period after the middle of the 19th century, to supervise PhD and MA candidates, to participate in teaching, exam setting and evaluation at all levels, and to carry out administrative duties in accordance with the needs of the Department. The successful candidate will play a central role in further development of high-quality research and teaching in Middle East Studies at the Department in collaboration with colleagues, and is expected to take active part in the activities at the Department’s Centre for Islamic and Middle East Studies Center.
Requirements
•PhD or equivalent academic qualifications with a specialization in the study of Turkey or The Ottoman Empire after the middle of the 19th century
•The ability to use oral and written Turkish language sources in research and in courses taught at all levels
•Pedagogical skills and a willingness to take active part in academic leadership and administration, see How to document your pedagogical skills
•Personal suitability and motivation for the position
The following qualifications will be taken into account in the assessment of the applicants:
•Academic qualifications and academic production with a focus primarily on the study of historical, social and cultural developments in Turkey in the period after the middle of the 19th century; with an emphasis on works published within the last 5 years. Originality and innovative thinking are preferred to quantity
• Ability to contribute to the teaching of courses in Turkish language on all levels
• International peer-reviewed publications 
• Potential to contribute to the long-term development of the academic and research environment at the department
• Positive results in external fund raising
• Pedagogical qualifications and ability to inspire students
• Interest, ability and/or experience in management and administration
• Collaborative skills and willingness to initiate joint projects
• Experience with collaboration across established academic disciplines, and ability to build international networks
• Communication and public outreach skills
• Candidates with a high-level of proficiency in another Turkic language or one of the other main languages of the Middle East may be given priority
In the assessment of the qualified candidates all criteria listed above will be explicitly addressed and assessed. The quality of published academic work, development potential and breadth of intellectual/academic interest will be prioritized in this order.
Full announcement: http://uio.easycruit.com/vacancy/1513033/62042?iso=no

Yeni Kitap: 1960-1980 Arası İslamcı Dergiler - Toparlanma ve Çeşitlenme

Şubat, 2016
NOBEL Akademik Yayıncılık

Ulus devlet serüveninin çeperinde şekillenen içe kapanma dönemi¬nin düşünce dünyasında da ciddi bir sınır oluşturduğunu her ge¬çen gün daha iyi anlıyoruz. Gündemler, kavramlar ve meseleleri ele alıştaki öncelikler takip edildiğinde bu durum açıkça gözlemlene¬bilir. Bu sınırlılığı aşma işaretlerinin en somut şekilde görüldüğü dönemin, çok partili hayatın nispeten süreklileştiği 1960-1980 ara¬sı yıllar olduğunu söylemek mümkündür. Bir ölçüde, halkın farklı katmanlarının doğrudan sürece dâhil olduğu bu dönem, gerek Tür¬kiye’nin yakın tarihindeki özgül ağırlığı, gerekse de İslamcı düşünce ve yayıncılık tarihindeki yeni arayışlar, mecra tutuşlar, kurumlaş¬malar, çeşitlenmeler ve söylem farklılaşmaları bakımından günü¬müzde de canlı bir şekilde etkisini devam ettirmektedir.
Ayrıca dönemin faaliyetlerinde etkin rol üstlenmiş şahısların önemli bir kısmının hâlen hayatta bulunması bugünden yapılacak bir okumanın sınanmış bir gözle de murakabesine imkân vermek¬tedir. Bugünün Türkiyesini siyasette, bürokraside, sivil kurumlarda ve entelektüel alanda taşıyan kadroların çok önemli bir kısmının 1960-1980 döneminde yetişen kuşaklar olduğu dikkate alındığında, o yılların önemi daha iyi anlaşılacaktır. Sonuç olarak, günümüzü daha iyi anlamak için, adeta bugünün ana rahmi olan 1960-80 yıl¬larını yakından incelemenin gerekliliği oldukça açıktır. Dolayısıyla gerek tanık olduğumuz sürecin anlaşılmasına katkıda bulunması gerek yaşayan bu tarihî tanıklarla yeni kuşaklar arasında bir köprü oluşturma imkânı vermesi bu çalışmanın hem niyetini hem de kıymetini ortaya koymaktadır.


İÇİNDEKİLER

I. BÖLÜM: İSLAMCILIĞI VE İSLAMCI DERGİCİLİĞİ
YENİDEN DÜŞÜNMEK 
Türkiye’de İslamcılık Düşüncesinin Seyrini Dergiler Üzerinden Okumak - Ahmet Köroğlu
1960 Öncesi İslamî Neşriyat: Sin(diril)me, Tahayyül ve Tefekkür - Necdet Subaşı
Kenetlenmenin İmkânsızlığı: 1960-1980 Dönemi İslamcı Dergiciliğin Macerası Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme - Asım Öz
İslamcılığı Yeniden Düşünmek: Geçmişi Değerlendirmenin Ahlakı ve Geleceği Düşünmenin İmkanı
Vahdettin Işık

II. BÖLÜM: İSLAMCILIĞIN YEREL DİLİ: EDEBİYAT DERGİLERİ
1960-1980 Yılları Arasında Büyük Doğu Dergisi ve Necip Fazıl Kısakürek - Mahmut Hakkı AkıN

Antikomünist Propoganda: Büyük Doğu Mecmuası Örneği - Mustafa Oğuzhan Çolak, İbrahim Enes Aksu, Yunus Emre Tapan
Diriliş Dergisinde Tarih İlgisi ve Sonuçları - Yunus Emre Özsaray
Edebiyat Dergisi: Yerli Düşüncenin Sesi - İlhan Sadıkoğlu
Mavera: Yedi Güzel Adam’ın Dergisi - Şerife Nihal Zeybek

III. BÖLÜM: DÜŞÜNCEDE VE EYLEMDE YENİ ARAYIŞLAR
İslam Mecmuası ve İslam Âleminden Taşıdıkları: Soğuk Savaş Dünyasında Ümmeti Tahayyül Etmek
Ayşen Baylak
Hilal Dergisi ve Hilal Yayınları: Yerli Bir Neşriyat Harekâtı Olarak Çeviri Faaliyetleri - Alperen Gençosmanoğlu
Nur Talebelerinin Sesi: İhlas, Zülfikar ve Uhuvvet Gazeteleri - Ahmet Karakaya
Zülfikar Mecmuası: 1960’lardaki Nur Hareketine Dair Bir Okuma Denemesi - Alev Erkilet
İslamcı Yayıncılık Bağlamında Mücadele Birliği ve Dergileri - Mustafa Aydın
Millî Türk Talebe Birliği ve Millî Gençlik Dergisi Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme - Serkan Yorgancılar
Akıncı Güç ve Akıncılar Dergilerinde Tartışmanın Şiddeti ve Şiddetin Dili - Ertuğrul Zengin
Bir Yayıncılık Membaı Olarak Düşünce Dergisi - Mehmet Erken
Şûrâ-Tevhid-Hicret Gazeteleri ve İslami Düşüncede Radikal Tavır - Kâmil Yeşil

IV. BÖLÜM: KURUMSAL BİRİKİMİN YANSIMALARI
Mümin mi, Makbul Vatandaş mı?: Hakses Dergisindeki Cuma Hutbelerinin Analizi - Nurettin Ürün
Tohum Dergisi: Semiyolojik Bir Okuma - TuBa Aydın
İslam Medeniyeti Dergisi: İslam’ın Son Kalesinde Bir Umut - Fatih Kucur

DEVAMINI OKUMAK ICIN........

Sunday, February 7, 2016

Defending the Current Academic Orthodoxy in Islamic Studies: A Response to Bruce Lawrence

Ali Mirsepassi and Tadd Fernee

Sociology of Islam, Volume 3, Issue 3-4, pages 107 – 124

ABSTRACT

Upon publishing our book, we expected colleagues to perhaps challenge us and write critical reviews.1 We wrote it with the intention of offering a critical study of the ‘new orthodoxy’ in Islamic studies, and particularly in fashionable us academic circles. However, we treated the scholars we criticized with utmost respect. We believe that our critical arguments are fair, and based on a careful reading of their works. It was sad and unexpected to read Professor Bruce Lawrence’s harshly aggressive yet complacently inattentive review of our book. Lawrence seems unhappy that our approach to Islam comes from a sociological and perhaps ‘non-believer’ perspective. His hostility, it appears, reflects personal intolerance rather than scholarly vocation. This is confirmed by the resolute refusal to analyze, even superficially, the book’s intellectual content or specific arguments. Lawrence prefers to simply smear its credibility based on innuendo and petty pretext. Without saying so directly, Lawrence employs the weight of his considerable reputation to defend the existing aca- demic orthodoxy in contemporary Islamic studies. This orthodoxy features an uncritical and idealized view of religion, combined with a highly critical atti- tude to a nebulously conceived modernity. Violence committed in the name of religion is either passed over in silence, or explained away in terms of a mis- reading of the holy sources. It is occasionally rationalized as a struggle of sub- jugated knowledge against hegemonic modernity. We now take the time to reply to Lawrence’s review of our book.2 Worse than simple disagreements (which are welcome and interesting), or errors of interpretation (which are understandable), the deliberate falsifications in Lawrence’s review raise serious issues of scholarly integrity. The tone is openly hostile, while refusing to discuss the book’s arguments even superficially. Lawrence stridently upbraids superficial and contingent details (one incoher- ence in the spelling of a name, otherwise spelled uniformly across several hun- dred pages), while ridiculing theses that never appear in the book at all. Lawrence seems especially displeased that the book does not deal primarily with Iran since ‘the authors are mostly Iranian’ (Lawrence 2015: 2). Given that there are two authors, and one is Iranian, how can they be mostly Iranian? It seems that Lawrence is either making a mathematical blunder, or an unkind insinuation concerning one of the two co-authors. Given that he writes his review as if only one author exists, it must certainly be the latter.

READ MORE:
http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/journals/10.1163/22131418-00303003

Book Review: “Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography” reviewed by Prof. Feroz AHMAD

CHANGING TURKEY - on July 8, 2015

Professor Şükrü Hanioğlu began his career in Istanbul University as a political scientist and wrote his doctoral thesis on the Ottoman intellectual Abdullah Cevdet. It was then published and received moderately good reviews except from the pen of Cemil Meriç, himself an intellectual and man of letters of some distinction. Writing about Hanioğlu’s thesis later published as a book, Cemil Meriç wrote: “I got no pleasure from the doctoral thesis on Abdullah Cevdet. It is an extremely ordinary and insipid book. Based on police reports it is like a bad police novel. The writer knows neither the language nor does he understand Cevdet’s language. Those who supervised his thesis were also totally ignorant….” [1]. I do hope that Cemil Meriç would have been kinder and appreciative of Hanioğlu’s later works.
Since writing his thesis, Hanioğlu’s years at Princeton University have matured him into a scholar of some repute. There he reinvented himself as a historian and shifted his attention to what is becoming a multi-volume biography of the Young Turk movement, having completed two volumes so far. The first volume published in 1995 covered the years 1889, the founding of the Committee of Union and Progress, to the Paris congress of 1902. Volume two, published in 2001, covered the years 1902 –1908 when “the Young Turks prepared for the revolution”. I expected to see the publication of the next volume, perhaps two volumes on the Young Turks revolution and the constitutional period 1908-1918. But he seems to have decided to leapfrog that decade and write the book under review [2].

READ MORE.....

Wednesday, February 3, 2016

Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies Academic Mailing List Virginia Tech

Our Objectives
We have created a mailing list for scholars who may be interested in exchanging
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Thursday, January 28, 2016

Adrese Dayalı Nüfus Kayıt Sistemi Sonuçları, 2015


Türkiye nüfusu 31 Aralık 2015 tarihi itibarıyla 78 milyon 741 bin 53 kişi oldu
Türkiye’de ikamet eden nüfus 2015 yılında, bir önceki yıla göre 1 milyon 45 bin 149 kişi arttı. Erkek nüfusun oranı %50,2 (39 milyon 511 bin 191 kişi), kadın nüfusun oranı ise %49,8 (39 milyon 229 bin 862 kişi) olarak gerçekleşti.
Türkiye’nin yıllık nüfus artış hızı, binde 13,4 olarak gerçekleşti
Yıllık nüfus artış hızı 2014 yılında ‰13,3 iken, 2015 yılında ‰13,4 oldu.
İl ve ilçe merkezlerinde yaşayanların oranı %92,1 oldu
İl ve ilçe merkezlerinde ikamet edenlerin oranı 2014 yılında %91,8 iken, bu oran 2015 yılında %92,1’e yükseldi. Belde ve köylerde yaşayanların oranı ise %7,9 olarak gerçekleşti. 
İstanbul’da ikamet eden nüfus bir önceki yıla göre %2 artış gösterdi
Türkiye nüfusunun %18,6’sının ikamet ettiği İstanbul, 14 milyon 657 bin 434 kişi ile en çok nüfusa sahip olan il oldu. Bunu sırasıyla %6,7 (5 milyon 270 bin 575 kişi) ile Ankara, %5,3 (4 milyon 168 bin 415 kişi) ile İzmir, %3,6 (2 milyon 842 bin 547 kişi) ile Bursa ve %2,9 (2 milyon 288 bin 456 kişi) ile Antalya illeri takip etti. Bayburt ili ise 78 bin 550 kişi ile en az nüfusa sahip il oldu.
Türkiye nüfusunun ortanca yaşı yükseldi
Ülkemizde 2014 yılında 30,7 olan ortanca yaş, 2015 yılında önceki yıla göre artış göstererek 31 oldu. Ortanca yaş erkeklerde 30,4 iken, kadınlarda 31,6 olarak gerçekleşti. Ortanca yaşın en yüksek olduğu iller sırasıyla Sinop (39,3), Balıkesir (38,8) ve Kastamonu (38,3) iken, en düşük olduğu iller ise sırasıyla Şanlıurfa (19,3), Şırnak (19,5) ve Ağrı (20,3)’dır.
 

Saturday, January 23, 2016

Chorus of Imperialism and "Academic Freedom" - give a 39cents

Chorus of Imperialism and "Academic Freedom" - give a 39cents

Over the last few weeks, we have seen dramatic changes in Turkish (and Kurdish) politics. More than 1100 academicians signed the petition against the Turkish government and people of Turkey. First of all, let me clarify that I never voted for, or supported the JDP or AK Party. And most importantly, I harshly criticized the AK Party government on neoliberalism and its policy toward imperialism while some of these academicians were benefiting from the AK Party government and state institutions.

On the other hand, in the last couple of decades, Turkey has been fighting against PKK terrorism which has been supported directly or indirectly by American and European Imperialist interests to divide Turkey and create an independent Kurdish State. These imperialist powers sometime use academicians, journalists, human rights defenders, NGOs or some academic organizations (such as the MESA academic freedom committee under Zachary Lockman, who is more orientalist than Bernard Lewis). The MESA academic freedom committee is not in a moral position to judge people in Turkey or the Middle East. They are pure orientalists and imperialists, and they work with state institutions, such as the US Department of State, the Department of Education and Department of Defense. This is an example of Rudyard Kipling’s responsibility for the white man's burden.   

In the last few decades, concepts such as human rights, academic freedom, press freedom, and democracy have become commodities for American and European imperialist academia, and these concepts are used against developing nations as took place with the civilization project in Africa in the 19th and 20th centuries. They use similar methods and concepts against China on Falun Gang, and also regarding the Tibet, Uyghur, and Taiwan issues, but with a blind eye to Islamophobia, racism (just recall the Ferguson and anti- immigrant attitudes) and corrupt Chinese officials in the US and Europe who escaped from their homeland with millions, stealing the money; now with a safe heaven in beautiful San Francisco, "Irvine" or London.

Interestingly, "as you know very well the Kurdish Issue”, the Washington Propaganda machine Voice of America has a Kurdish section which was led by Michael Chyet who lived in Turkey between 1973-1980. This man, similar to Alan Makovsky (from the Washington Institute for Near East Policy) has focused on Turkey and the Kurdish issue since the 1970s. As another example; Graham Fuller and Henri Barkey (whose wife worked in the CIA – as Vice President of the Central Intelligence Council). Graham Fuller is on this list and If I am making a mistake he should correct me:) This is normal according to nation-state versus nation-state relations in international relations. The US is trying to divide Turkey and using different methods than the occupation of Iraq, which was based on a more obvious form of imperialism. In this context, the US is using academicians, NGOs, freelancers, human rights activists, and some academic organizations. This is soft imperialism which is based on NED-style democracy projections which come with code word: “freedom.” US and European governments (and their so-called freelancers) use similar methods against China on the Uyghur Issue. Most interestingly, both Uyghur and Kurdish activists (at the leadership level) get their support from governmental channels. They also use similar tactics against Iran. Whether Iran, Turkey or China is democratic or not; they are as democratic as the US, France and Britain.

On the Kurdish issue, a couple of days ago, a beautiful 4 year old girl was killed by the PKK (take a look at the picture http://sociologyofturkey.blogspot.com.tr/2016/01/mevlude-irem-was-killed-by-pkk.html), who have been actively supported by the US and Europe - and by some of these academicians! This is very similar to 1994 Rwanda. Some people blamed Hutus, and some of them blamed Tutsis for Genocide, but no one talked about the historical condition of imperialism in Rwanda, facilitated by Belgium, France and the US. There was no accountability from this end. What a surprise! Whatever problems we have in the colonized lands are inherited from the historical conditions of imperialism, including the Kurdish Issue or Rwandan genocide. So-called academicians who work with governmental intelligence organizations or use freedom house to classify the relative levels of democracy development. This is purely an imperialist strategy against the colonized lands.

You eat organic food, bike to school, love dogs and animals, play music, visit Qatar and met with Al-Thani, and have a pretty good life style. Also, you have a responsibility toward savage people who need to be taught how to be a democratic, or to use freedom of expression.  This is a well-regarded responsibility for those who signed this petition. However, there are more than 7 billion people on the earth and most of them have suffered rather than benefiting from this type of intervention (Humanitarian Imperialist intervention). Brother Farrakhan said that you are not in a moral position to judge:



A scholar like Noam Chomsky who signed the letter, worked at MIT and lives in Boston, goes to Starbucks and drinks his daily coffee. Chomsky is a white liberal western orientalist scholar, received funding from the NED, which was established by the CIA for his trip to Turkey in 2002. His assistant (Filiz…….) was provided by the NED on his trip to Turkey. Her husband was a close friend of Franc Carlucci (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Carlucci), who was the former Department Defense guy and worked as Chair of the Carlyle group (https://www.carlyle.com/). My former advisor, Samih Farsoun (Christian Arab) who was a close friend of Edward Said (and introduced me to Dr. Said in 2000) said to me once while we visited Dr. Said in New York, that Arabs, Muslims, or colonized scholars are different than Chomsky and other white liberals/western leftist and they will never understand our struggle against Imperialism. Therefore, they use the house negroes against  us. Unfortunately, we have many of them in Muslim-populated societies. Some of these house negroes that signed the petition, come from an elitist missionary school background, from rich families in Turkey; and actually they have never been oppressed in their lifetime. They exist only in the ivory tower of capitalism, benefiting from state funding and resources. They complain about academic freedom, but they are the problem. This is a closed niche network which is based on activism, and they largely hate Turks and Islam. You really do not know them. This is not about academic freedom, because these academicians have enjoyed academic freedom by using state funding and resources. Most of them do not even know how Turkish/Kurdish people live, and what they eat!

Your writings and views remind of the white man in this video:

Don’t forget to donate your 39 cents to these freedom loving people :) 

There are also similar cases in the Iran 2009 Green Movement, the Tibet and Uyghur Issue in China, in Venezuela and Zimbabwe against Chavez and Mugabe governments, against Julius Malema in South Africa, etc.  Or more historical cases, such as the Humanitarian imperialist strategy against, Castro, Salvador Allende, Nkrumah, Mandela, and so on.
 
In short, Erdogan or the AKParty is not more or less authoritarian than Obama, Cameron, Merkel, NSA, Fulbright Commission or MESA. On the other hand,  of course the Erdogan or AK Party has authoritarian tendencies as much as Netanyahu, Bush, Obama, Cameron, Republicans, Democrats, MESA (Middle East Studies Association, etc). But Erdogan is not Hitler or Mussolini as some Jewish liberal scholars claim, such as a professor from St Lawrence University who is an advisor to the State Department and the HRW Turkey project; because these fascist leaders (Mussolini, Hitler, etc) belong to the West and flourished in the ashes of imperialism.  Whether Erdogan is an authoritarian or not, it is our problem; the rest is not your business. We do not need another Rudyard Kipling

Enjoy your illusionary freedom,

Tugrul Keskin