Society, Politics, and Economy in Modern Turkey: Sociology of Turkey - Maintained by Tugrul Keskin
We are at a point in our work when we can no longer ignore empires and the imperial context in our studies. (p. 5)
― Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism

Sunday, November 1, 2015

A New Course: Turkish Foreign Policy - IREU 421 MALTEPE UNIVERSITY


Turkish Foreign Policy - IREU 421
Critical Approach

Instructor:           Tugrul Keskin               
Office:                312 Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakultesi
Cell:                 533-607-8465
Office Hours:       Tuesday ve Thursday All Day or by appointment
(PLEASE include “Turkish Foreign Policy” in the subject line in your emails)

A country that demands moral perfection in its foreign policy will achieve neither perfection nor security
Henry Kissinger

Course Description and Objective

The focus of this course is Turkish Foreign Policy from 1923 to the present day. We will review and explore the different stages in Turkish Foreign Policy. In the early republican era, Turkish foreign policy was more independent than today. This independent focus was caused by different factors, but in historical context, the republic was established just after the Independence War, and at this time the world was less connected than today. This era is called the Ataturk era. Between 1923 and 1938, Turkish Foreign Policy was rooted in a nation-state centric ideology; more so than after 1938. However, Ataturk’s death in 1938 led to a transformation of Turkish Foreign Policy. This will be referred to as the Inonu Era, and this accelerated especially after the end of WWII in 1946. The third stage in Turkish Foreign Policy is the Democrat Party era between 1950 and 1960, which consisted of different political actors, and a more NATO-learning policy orientation that was adopted in this time.  The fourth stage is one that can be characterized as purely NATO orientation an approach, which hijacked Turkish Foreign Policy between 1960 and 1980. However in the 1974 conflict between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus, Turkey did have an independent foreign policy from NATO and the US.

 

PERIODS IN TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY
1.     1923-1938 Ataturk Era
2.     1938-1950 Inonu Era: Moving Toward the West
3.     1950-1960 The Democrat Party Era: Adaptation of NATO Policies
4.     1960-1980 Chaos and the NATO Orientation 
5.     1980-1983 The Military Era: Continuation of NATO Policies
6.     1984-2002 Europeanization of Turkish Foreign Policy and the Liberal Era
7.     2002-Present Pan-Islamist and Middle East Orientation Era  

 
Between 1980 and 1983, the military guardian of the secularist regime, took over Turkish foreign relations and policy. This era can be characterized as the combination of an independent and a NATO-oriented Foreign Policy. At the beginning of 1984 (just after the 1983 election), Turkey’s foreign policy was redesigned based on the Europeanization and modernization of the country. Membership in the European Union had become the main goal of the country’s foreign policy. This period can be described as the liberal European era, and ended in 2002. From 2002 to today, Turkish Foreign Policy has undergone another shift, that can be described as a more Middle East and Islamist-centric foreign policy. In this class, we will review each of these eras and foreign actors, and domestic political parties that have impacted Turkish Foreign policy from 1923 to today.

 

Learning Outcomes (Tugrul Keskin):
By the end of the course, you will have enhanced your:
§  Critical thinking in relation to international studies
§  Ability to question dogmas and taboos in today’s societies
§  Consciousness of differing perspectives and diversity
§  Understanding of world issues and trends
§  Understanding of the impact of colonialism and imperialism in                     developing nations

You also will have increased your knowledge concerning:
§  Resources in your potential discipline
§  Resources specific to your region
§  Traditional information sources
§  Alternative information sources
§  Knowledge of relevant methodologies

Learning Outcomes

Core Learning Outcome: Students will demonstrate an understanding of world cultures, politics, and economics, within the context of globalization, as well as developing the skills and attitudes to function as “global citizens.”

Specific Outcomes:
  • Demonstrate knowledge of global issues, processes, trends and systems (i.e. economic and political interdependency among nations; environmental-cultural interaction; global governance bodies).
  • Can articulate an understanding of her/his culture in global and comparative context; that is, recognizes that her/his culture is one of many diverse cultures and that alternate perceptions and behaviors may be based in cultural differences.
  • Demonstrates an understanding of the meaning and practice of political, military, economic, and cultural hegemony within states and within the global system.
  • Demonstrates an understanding of how her/his field is viewed and practiced in different international contexts.
  • Uses diverse cultural perspectives and frames of reference, including those of the media, to think critically and solve problems.
  • Uses information from other languages and other countries to extend their access to information and experiences.
  • Interprets issues and situations from more than one cultural perspective.
  • Can articulate differences among cultures; demonstrates tolerance for the diverse viewpoints that emerge from these differences.
  • Demonstrates a critical understanding of the historical origins of the nation-state, and its current role in the global system.
  • Can apply the key theoretical concepts in the field to interpret global issues.
  • Exhibits an ongoing willingness to seek out international or intercultural opportunities.

Required Readings:

Please see the course schedule!

Recommended Texts:
1.     Ali Carkoglu and E. Kalaycioglu (2009). The Rising Tide of Conservatism in Turkey. New York, Palgrave/MacMillan.
2.     Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2001.
3.     Turkish Studies, Volume 11 Issue 1 2010: Special Issue: Islamization of Turkey under AKP Rule. Birol Yesilada and Barry Rubin. Routledge Press.  
4.     Erik J. Zurcher. 2005. Turkey: A Modern History, Revised Edition. New York: I.B Tairus&Co Ltd. 
5.     Ersin Kalaycioglu, Turkish Dynamics: Bridge Across Troubled Lands. Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
6.     Hakan M. Yavuz 2003. Islamic Political Identity in Turkey. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. 
7.     Hakan M. Yavuz. 2006. The Emergence of A New Turkey: Democracy and The Ak Party. Salt Lake City, UT: The University of Utah Press.
8.     Graham Fuller. 2007. New Turkish Republic: Turkey As a Pivotal State in the Muslim World. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press.
9.     Stephen Kinzer. 2008. Crescent and Star: Turkey Between Two Worlds. New York, NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

Readings:
Other Readings will be posted on MUBIS and you will find them under the course news.   

Course Philosophy:
The goal of this course is to enable students to write a theoretically guided and empirically rooted research paper.  I expect you to become familiar with the social, political and economic underpinnings of Contemporary Turkish Foreign Policy.

The success of this course depends on your continued and sustained reading and participation. The course will be based on a four-dimensional method of learning, and this includes inquiry and critical thinking; communication; the diversity of human experience; and ethics and social responsibility. First, I would like you to critically analyze what you learn in this class or have learned so far through the media and education, because in today’s world, truth is a relative concept. Throughout human history, critical thinking is the one of the most important factors that has contributed to human development.  In order to become active, self-motivated, empowered learners and future leaders, you will need to have the ability to think critically, and therefore your criticism, feedback and suggestions are necessary. Second, I would like you to enhance your writing and oral communication skills in this course. Therefore, it is important to clearly elaborate your arguments in the class discussion as well as in the written assignments.

Third, we are each part of the human mosaic, and all have different experiences based on our social, political and economic differences. We can all learn from and respect each other and benefit from our diversity. Please try to learn from and understand those with different perspectives than you. Lastly, we need to learn that we are all part of this intellectual community and larger society, and all have social and ethical responsibilities to our family, community, classmates, and humanity. We live in a globalized world and therefore, we need to be aware of events in our community, and the world today. In order to enhance our knowledge, we must critically examine our social, political and economic environment in order to apply this knowledge to our experience.

Course Requirements


To prevent confusion later, please read the following information:

Grades: Your grade for this course will be based on your performance on the following components, shown below with their dates and respective weights.

Item                                                    Date                                        Weight (%)

Quizzes (5)                                                                                                     30.0
Short Analytical Paper                       November 30                                      20.0
Class Participation/Attendance                                                                      10.0
Newspaper Articles                                                                                        10.0
Final Online Exam                               Friday January 8                                 30.0


Final Exam: You will take the final exam on Friday, January 8th (15:00 – 16:00). I will ask 30 multiple-choice/true and false questions and you will have two hours to finish the exam. If you have any questions or concerns, please let me know as soon as possible.

Quizzes: You will have 5 quizzes. The quizzes will have 12 questions from each week’s class readings and discussions. Each Quiz is worth 6 points and each question is worth 0.5 point. You will find the schedule of quizzes below. Please carefully review the quiz schedule. If you have schedule conflict, drop the class. If you have any questions or concerns, please do not hesitate to contact me directly.       

Quiz Schedule:
October 23, 30, November 6, 13 and 20

Analytical Paper: In this requirement, you will select a topic related with Turkish Foreign Policy and will critically analyze based on our readings. This paper should be at least 1500 words in length. You must provide a word count at the end of your paper. The paper is due on Sunday November 29th. Everyone will select a different topic and period. Your selection must be approved and registered by me; therefore you must contact me directly regarding your selection. The deadline for selecting/registering your subject with me is Sunday, November 1st. The deadline for submitting your review is Sunday November 29th. Late submissions will not be accepted.

Attendance: Regular attendance is one of the most important parameters to successful completion of the course requirements. If you miss more than 4 classes, you will not receive an attendance grade.  Excuses will not be permitted for any reason.

Class Participation: Each student must read the course materials before they attend class and I expect them to participate in class discussion. Class participation in the form of informed questions and comments will be taken into consideration when determining your final grade. Additionally, the class participation grade also depends on class attendance.

Newspaper Articles: During the semester, you can bring 10 newspaper articles related with our class subjects. You cannot bring more than one article in the same week. You will have to summarize these articles in class and will find the recommended newspapers listed on http://internationalstudiesandsociology.blogspot.it/, under the external links section. Newspaper articles sent by email will not be accepted. Please bring it to class, the first page of the printed/hard copy of the article. You can only bring an article from the selected newspapers, posted on http://internationalstudiesandsociology.blogspot and you will find them under links section. Some of the recommended newspapers are The Guardian, Al-Jazeera, Democracynow.org, Financial Times, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Pravda, Haaretz, China Daily, and the Economist. Please do not bring articles from Turkish newspapers!

Extra Credit: For this extra credit option, you will build your resume based on one of the samples on Mubis. The first sample resume is for academic job applications, and the second one is for general job applications. You will only build a resume based on your interests, Please select only one. For your resume, please use Times New Roman, 12 font size. Please submit your hard copy of your resume/vita/cv to me. The last day to submit your resume and/or internship proof letter is Sunday, November 29. 

You will find the two sample resumes on Mubis.

For this second extra credit option, you will find an organization, NGO, government agency or a corporation based in Istanbul, Ankara, Berlin, Beijing, Moscow, Paris, Washington DC or anywhere in Turkey or the World and you will apply for an internship for the spring or summer 2016. Please bring a print copy of your proof of your internship application to me. In the internship application, if you are asked for a recommendation, you may include my name as your reference. You can find recommended agencies, corporations, organization or think tanks on http://internationalstudiesandsociology.blogspot.

PLEASE READ CAREFULLY!
Coming late to class: Late comers will not be accepted to class, so be on time. If you are late for a class, please do not disturb your classmates and me and do not come at all. Please also do not send an email or call me regarding your class attendance. If there is a medical need, bring an official letter from a doctor. Whatever the reason is, if you cannot come to class, this is your responsibility. If you miss more than 4 classes, you will not receive an attendance grade.

PLEASE READ CAREFULLY!    
Laptop and cell phone policy: No laptops or cell phones will be allowed in this class. Please turn your cell phone off before you come to class. If you use the Internet/laptop or your cell phone during class, you will be asked to leave.

PLEASE READ THE FOLLOWING ARTICLES:
  • Why a leading professor of new media just banned technology use in class
  • Why you should take notes by hand — not on a laptop
  • To Remember a Lecture Better, Take Notes by Hand

Responsibility: You and/or your parents pay tuition for this class; therefore, you have responsibility to yourself and/or your parents. Passing or failing the class is not the main objective, rather that you learn and improve your knowledge. Please read and try to understand the main concepts of this class. If you are having difficulty, please do not hesitate to see me and discuss your concerns!

Each year, almost half a million people graduate from American public universities (see http://collegecompletion.chronicle.com/). As you will see from the statistics, the job market is very competitive; therefore, students need to improve their knowledge, skill, and experience in order to find a job they want. Learning is a lifelong process. An academic institution like Maltepe University will provide you with an educational discipline and methodology; everything else is up to you. You should study and improve your skills, in order to compete with the rest of the graduates. While you are in the program, you should apply for internships to obtain relevant experiences before you graduate. Therefore, if you need a letter of recommendation for an internship or job, please do not hesitate to ask me, if you receive at least an A, A- or B+ grade from my class. Please also remember that an undergraduate degree might not be enough to find the job you want; therefore, you might need to apply to graduate school. In order to apply to graduate school, you will also need to have a letter of recommendation. I am also happy to advise you on graduate school or provide a letter of recommendation if you receive an A, A- or B+ grade. 

No Laptops and cell phones will be allowed in this class.

Course Timeline

WEEK 1
September 21-25

1923-1938 Ataturk Era
Social and Political Transformations of Modern Turkish Politics – Tugrul Keskin
Turkish Foreign Policy During Ataturk's Era
A Short Summary of Turkish Foreign Policy: 1923-1939 by Ayla Gol

WEEK 2
September 28-October 2

1923-1938 Ataturk Era
Orientalism in Modern Turkish Studies – Tugrul Keskin
Atatürk's Foreign Policy By Seyfi Tashan

Turkish Foreign Policy: Four Pillars of Tradition By Leonard Stone

WEEK 3
October 5-9

1938-1950 Inonu Era: Moving Toward the West
The Diplomatic Maneuvers of Turkey in World War II By Hakan Ozden

WEEK 4
October 12-16

1938-1950 Inonu Era: Moving Toward the West
Turkish Foreign Policy During the Second World War: An Active Neutrality By Selim Deringil


WEEK 5
October 19-23

1950-1960 The Democrat Party Era: Adaptation of a NATO Policies
The Democratic Foreign Policy Approach  (1950-1960) Sedat Laciner
Turkey’s Accession to NATO: Building a ‘Little America’ By Reem Abou-El-Fadl

Friday October 23
  • QUIZ – 1

WEEK 6
October 26-30

1950-1960 The Democrat Party Era: Adaptation of a NATO Policies
Turkish Foreign Policy during Adnan Menderes Period By Gül Tuba Dağcı and Kaan Diyarbakırlıoğlu

WEEK 7
November 2-6

1960-1980 Chaos and the NATO Orientation 
Securing Turkey through Western-Oriented Foreign Policy By Pınar Bilgin

Turkish Foreign Policy Between 1960-1971:  Neo-Kemalism vs. Neo-Democrats? By Sedat Laçiner

Friday October 30
  • QUIZ – 2

WEEK 8
November 9-13

1960-1980 Chaos and the NATO Orientation 
NATO's Islamists: Hegemony and Americanization in Turkey - Cihan Tugal - New Left Review 44, March-April 2007

WEEK 9
November 16-20

1980-1983 The Military Era: Continuation of NATO Policies
Nationalist Movement Party (MHP): From Pan-Turkism to Localization – Tugrul Keskin 
Turkish Foreign Policy Framework and Analysis By Mustafa Aydin

Friday November 6
  • QUIZ – 3

WEEK 10
November 23-27

1984-2002 Europeanization of Turkish Foreign Policy and the Liberal Era
Turkish Foreign Policy Framework and Analysis By Mustafa Aydin
Friday November 13
  • QUIZ – 4

WEEK 11
November 30-December 4

1984-2002 Europeanization of Turkish Foreign Policy and the Liberal Era
Turgut Ozal Period in Turkish Foreign Policy: ÖZALISM By Sedat Laciner
WEEK 12
December 7-11

1984-2002 Europeanization of Turkish Foreign Policy and the Liberal Era
Turkish Foreign Policy at the end of the Cold War: Roots and Dynamics By Mustafa Aydin
Friday November 20
  • QUIZ – 5

WEEK 13
December 14-18

2002-Present Islamist and Middle East Era  
A Paradigm Shift in Turkish Foreign Policy: Transition and Challenges By Ahmet Sözen


WEEK 14
December 21-25
2002-Present Islamist and Middle East Era  
Turkey’s Foreign Policy in the AKP Era: Has There Been a Shift in the Axis? By Laura Batalla Adam



FINAL
January 8
15:00-16:00


 

Friday, October 30, 2015

Turkey Votes: Heading into a Familiar Deadlock?

The Atlantic Council’s Aaron Stein says second round of voting is unlikely to produce a clear winner

By Ashish Kumar Sen

ATLANTIC COUNCIL - October 29, 2015 

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan will not be on the ballot in the Nov. 1 elections, yet the vote is in many ways about him.  Turks will participate in their second election in five months after the previous round on June 7 failed to give any single party a majority and subsequent attempts at forming a coalition proved fruitless.  Erdoğan’s ruling Justice and Development Party, known by its Turkish acronym AKP, suffered a significant setback in the June vote losing its parliamentary majority for the first time in thirteen years.  Erdoğan has been firmly in control since 2003—first as Prime Minister, and since 2014 as President. He wants to rewrite the constitution and transform Turkey from a parliamentary into a presidential form of government—thereby vesting more powers in himself.  Erdoğan has been firmly in control since 2003—first as Prime Minister, and since 2014 as President. He wants to rewrite the constitution and transform Turkey from a parliamentary into a presidential form of government—which would give his post more power.  However, those plans were spoiled by simple math. AKP needed to secure a two-thirds majority in parliament to enable it to rewrite the constitution and pass it out of parliament without a referendum. It won only 258 seats in June, short of the 367 needed.

READ MORE.....

Thursday, October 29, 2015

Decision Time for Polarized Turkey

Interviewee: Gonul Tol, Director of the Center for Turkish Studies, Middle East Institute

Interviewer:
Zachary Laub, Online Writer/Editor

COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS - October 28, 2015 

The governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) is appealing to heightened Turkish nationalism to regain a parliamentary majority in snap elections on Sunday. But voters frustrated with what they see as the party's flagging commitment to democracy are likely to vote much the same as they did in the June general election, says Gonul Tol, of the Middle East Institute in Washington. The resumption of violence with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), attacks on the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP)'s rallies, and the coalition maneuvering that is likely all point to an increasingly polarized Turkish political scene, Tol says. Prospects appear grim for a Kurdish peace process, she says.

READ MORE.....

Sunday, October 25, 2015

Deep Divisions in Turkey as Election Nears But Turks Share Negative Views of Foreign Powers

PEW RESEARCH - OCTOBER 15, 2015  

BY Jacob Poushter

As a result of a political deadlock stemming from the June 2015 parliamentary elections in Turkey, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called a snap election, set for November 1, 2015. Even before the current political stalemate, Turks were split on whether the democratic system in their country was working, and positive views of Erdogan were at their lowest point since 2012. However, a majority of Turks still prefer a democratic form of government rather than a leader with a strong hand to guide their country. The internal divisions that are plaguing Turkey are clearly evident in a newly released Pew Research Center poll, which was conducted April to May 2015. According to the survey, the country is split evenly down the middle in terms of the way its democracy is working – 49% are satisfied, while 49% are dissatisfied. But members of President Erdogan’s electoral coalition are significantly more satisfied with the current state of democracy. This includes Turks who are older, less educated, those who support his Justice and Development Party (AKP) and Muslims who pray more than 5 times per day. Younger, more educated Turks, followers of the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) and less devout Muslims are more disillusioned.

READ MORE....

Önde gelen 3 kamuoyu araştırmacısından seçmenin nabzı

Ruşen Çakır - 23 Ekim 2015 

Bu hafta içinde Metropoll Araştırma Şirketi Başkanı Özer Sencar, Andy-Ar Araştırma Şirketi Başkanı Faruk Acar ve KONDA Araştırma Şirketi Genel Müdürü Bekir Ağırdır‘la 1 Kasım seçimlerini tartıştığımız Medyascope.tv özel yayınları.

 
READ MORE OR WATCH THE INTERVIEWS......

World in Ukraine: Ukraine could follow Turkey's example as East-West bridge

KYIV POST - Oct. 23, 2015

BY Ilya Timtchenko

German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s visit to Turkey for a meeting with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Oct. 18 is an indication of the country’s growing importance and influence in the region.
With the European Union grappling with a refugee crisis caused by civil war in Syria, Turkey is a good friend to have right now. Perhaps that’s why Merkel came with a pledge to push for Turkey’s accession to the union, even though she won the chancellorship in 2005 on a promise never to let Turkey join.
And there’s no denying the country, with its population of 79 million and a gross domestic product of $800 billion, is an important regional player. Acting as a bridge between Europe and the Middle East, it is a natural trade route – the same position in which Ukraine finds itself.
Others are courting the regional linchpin as well.
Merkel’s visit came after Erdogan met with Russian President Vladimir Putin a month ago in Moscow. The two leaders agreed on a $100 billion trade partnership by 2023, which includes a $15 billion gas pipeline and a $22 billion nuclear power plant in southern Turkey, which is already under construction. Russia alone provides nearly one-fifth of Turkey’s energy, and almost 60 percent of its natural gas.
READ MORE....

Friday, October 23, 2015

Workshop held on 12-13 November 2015 at the Institut Français d’Études Anatoliennes (Istanbul)

Turkish studies, as a seemingly autonomous field of knowledge, has not been critically examined. Turkology is the subject of several handbooks and journal issues, as well as numerous articles, which are mostly the works of specialists who seek to retrace a tradition, reassess the state of the field, or pay tribute to their predecessors. With few exceptions, they generally provide a linear, internalist, if not hagiographic narrative centered on the “life-and-work” of a series of outstanding individuals. Moreover, conducted country by country, these bio-bibliographic surveys tend to neglect the circulation of ideas, men and artifacts, and rarely confront different traditions. Lastly, in Turkey, the history of Turkish studies is often conflated with that of Turkism, therefore conveying a strong nationalist imaginary. In sum, the available literature says little about the epistemological but also social, political, and economic dynamics behind the constitution of the field: these are the dynamics we wish to investigate.

TO READ MORE.....

Tuesday, September 22, 2015

Bildiri Çağrısı (Call for Papers): Politik Felsefe ve Wittgenstein - 15 Ekim 2015

Politik Felsefe ve Wittgenstein 
İÜEF Felsefe Bölümü – Politik Felsefe Günleri  
http://politikfelsefe.org/  

İstanbul Üniversitesi Felsefe Bölümü 2015 yılından itibaren Politik Felsefe Günleri’ni düzenlemeye karar vermiştir. Politik Felsefe Günleri,Türkiye’deki önemli bir boşluğu doldurmak niyetindedir. Bu felsefe günlerinin birincisinin konusu “Politik Felsefe ve Wittgenstein” olarak belirlenmiştir.Bu bağlamda ülkemizde mantık, dil felsefesi ve epistemoloji gibi konular etrafında ele alınan Wittgenstein’ı farklı boyutlarıyla tartışmaya davet ediyoruz.İstanbul Üniversitesi Felsefe Bölümü olarak Wittgenstein’ı politik felsefe açısından incelemeye çağırıyoruz.
Wittgenstein’ın ikinci dönemiyle açtığı yolun, egemen öznellik kavrayışıyla girdiği kopuş açısından irdelenmesi amacını gütmekteyiz. Geleneksel felsefenin özne ve bilgi eksenli modeline karşın Wittgenstein yapıtı bir çözülmeyi ve karşı duruşu ortaya koymaktadır. Öznellik ve şeffaflık iddiasının eleştirildiği bu şüpheci tavrın, mevcut dünyanın halleri ve yaşam dünyalarının kuruluşu açısından değerli olduğu açıktır.
Hiç şüphesiz Wittgenstein kendi isminin “Politik felsefe” terimiyle yan yana durmasına şaşırırdı. Ancak son yıllarda gerek Kıta Avrupa’sında gerek Anglo-Sakson dünyada Wittgenstein düşüncesini politik ve toplumsal teori açısından belirginleştiren çalışmalar yapılmaktadır. Feminizm, toplulukçuluk ve gündelik yaşam gibi temalar Wittgensteincı kavramların ışığında yeniden incelenmeye başlanmıştır. Wittgenstein şüpheciliği bu anlamda politik felsefe için ciddi bir kaynak teşkil etmektedir.
Wittgenstein Defterlerde bu tarz okuma pratikleri için geniş bir ufuk sunmuştur. Savaş döneminin tanıklığı içerisinde geçen süreçte yazdıkları gündelik siyaset karşısındaki ümitsizliğini ortaya koymaktadır. Ancak Wittgenstein’ın dilin aşırı kullanımı ve kelimelerin cevherleştirilmesine karşıgeliştirmiş olduğu felsefe yapma tarzı, dille olan başka bir kamusal ilişkiyi düşünmemizi mümkün kılmaktadır:Dilin kamusal olarak bir topluluk ya da topluluklar içindeki karşılıklı etkileşimi ve değişimi bu haliyle politik felsefenin asli konusuna dönüşmektedir. Kamusal anlamların ve anlam vermelerin işleyiş mantığına ilişkin tasarrufların ele alınması Viyanalı düşünürü önemli kılmaktadır.
Son olarak Wittgenstein’ın bize sorulmasına izin verdiği en önemli sorulardan birişudur: Politik Yargı mümkün müdür? Kant sonrasında birkaç farklı felsefe geleneğinde ele alınan bu soru, politik-olan açısından iyinin nasıl gözetilebileceğine dair kapsamlı sorgulamayı içermektedir. Wittgenstein, dil oyunları kavramıyla,“politik yargımümkün müdür”sorusuna geniş bir düşünüm alanı açmaktadır. Bu çerçevede pratik akıl, politik felsefe açısından rasyonalitenin imkânlarını soruşturma fırsatı sunmaktadır.
İstanbul Üniversitesi Felsefe Bölümü,Politik Felsefe Günleri I – “Politik Felsefe ve Wittgenstein”‘ etkinliğinde, bu perspektifler ve eleştirel tavır doğrultusunda Wittgenstein’ı tartışmaya açmaktadır.

Başvurma koşulları
Politik Felsefe Günleri I davetli konuşmacılar dışında, Wittgenstein’ın bu meseleleri üzerine doktora tezi, makale ya da kitap üretmiş genç araştırmacıları bu etkinliğe çağırmaktadır. Bildiri sunmak isteyen araştırmacıların, Wittgenstein üzerine yapmış oldukları çalışmanın künyesini, bildiri başlığını ve 400-500 kelimelik özeti 15.Ağustos.2015 tarihine kadar politikfelsefe@politikfelsefe.org ya da wittgenstein@politikfelsefe.org adreslerine göndermeleri gerekmektedir.


DEVAMINI OKUMAK ICIN.......

Monday, September 21, 2015

Istanbul Demolishing 3 Skyscrapers to Preserve City Skyline

After a huge and lengthy legal battle fought on various fronts by developers, municipalities and the Council of State, the Turkish government has ordered the partial destruction or total demolition of multiple large buildings said to threaten the historic architectural heritage of Istanbul

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Saturday, September 19, 2015

Türkiye'de Dindarlık - Sosyal Gerilimler Ekseninde İnanç ve Yaşam Biçimleri

(Sosyal Gerilimler Ekseninde İnanç ve Yaşam Biçimleri)

Kurtuluş Cengiz, Bahattin Akşit, Önder Küçükkural, Recep Şentürk
İletişim Yayıncılık / Araştırma-İnceleme Dizisi
2012

"Ama artık insanların dinlerini bilemiyoruz. Dini nitelikleri sağlam mıdır, Müslüman mıdır; İslami şeyler taşıyor mu değil de artık şöyle bir hale geldik. Ramazanda çok üzücü olaylar oldu. Lokantalar açıktı, hiç olmaması gereken bir şeydi bu. Lokantalarımız açıktı, Erzurum'da insanlara yemek verdiler. Gündüz vakti yemek verdiler. Bu çok acınası bir durum."
"Ben Türkiye Cumhuriyeti olarak uygarlık yolunda ilerliyorsam… biz laik bir Türk milletiyiz, diğer İslam ülkelerinden ayrı bir yere koyuyoruz kendimizi… Namaz saatine göre, bilmem oruç saatine göre iş yaşamının düzenlenmesini düşünmem ben yetkili olsam. Ama giderim, erken kalkarım sabah namazımı kılarım, ondan sonra toplu olarak diğer vakitleri ayarlarım. Eğer direncim varsa orucumu tutarım ki ben ilkokul 4'ten beri sürekli orucunu tutan, hiçbir zaman aksatmayan bir insanı..."
Bu ülkede dinin sosyal 'anlamı' nedir, insanlar dine nasıl bakıyorlar? Dindarlığın ölçüsü ne, nasıl algılanıyor? Dine bakış, insanların gündelik davranışlarını, sosyal ilişkilerini, birbirlerine bakışlarını nasıl etkiliyor? Muhafazakârlığın, dindarlığın, laikliğin sınırları nerelerden geçiyor? Türkiye'de sosyolojinin büyük hocalarından Bahattin Akşit'in Recep Şentürk, Önder Küçükural ve Kurtuluş Cengiz'le birlikte yaptığı üç yıl süren kapsamlı çalışma, bu sorulara yönelik cevap anahtarları sunuyor. Yirmi beş ilde uygulanan anketlerin ve sekiz ilde yapılan derinlemesine görüşmelerin analizini yapan yazarlar, afaki ve yüzeysel değerlendirmeleri aşan soğukkanlı bir tartışmaya zemin hazırlıyorlar.

DEVAMINI OKUMAK ICIN.....

Wednesday, September 16, 2015

Pabuççu Muştası - Doğan Avcıoğlu

Doğan Avcıoğlu’nun 1982’de ‘’Türkiye Yazıları’’ dergisindeki aynı adlı yazısını Cumhuriyet Gazetesi’nde yayınlandığı şekliyle bir kez daha yayınlıyoruz.
 
Pabuççu Muştası

Eski dost Ahmet Say, Şair Eşref’in yaşadığı tarihsel dönemi anlatan bir yazı yollamamı istiyor mektubunda. Eşref ve yaşamı hakkında bilgim, herkesin bildiğinden fazla değil.
Ne Abdülhamit yanlısı tutucularla, ne de Batıcı Jöntürklerle bağdaşamamış bir yalnız adam olarak kalmış aklımda Eşref. Belki de işin biraz kolayına kaçmış, kaytarmış, iyi bilmiyorum.
Bu durumda Ahmet Say’a, ilkin ‘’Eşref ve zamanı’’ konusunda kalem oynatma gücünü kendimde görmediğimi bildirmeye niyetlendim. Kaytardığımı sanacaktı, sansın dedim. Sonra ‘kaytarma’ üzerinde düşünmeye başladım. Türkiye aydını, dün de bugün de sürekli kaytarıyor gibi geldi bana. Bu kaytarmanın öyküsünü yazmayı denemek, hem Eşref’in dönemi, hem de bugün için anlamlı olacak galiba.
Türkiye aydınının çağdaş öyküsü, Avrupalıların ‘Boğaz’daki Hasta Adam’ı dillerine doladığı günlerden başlar. Babıâli’nin tercüme odasından yetişme ilk Türk hariciyecileri, hasta adamı iyileştirmek için çareler ararlar: Önlerindeki örnek, Avrupa ve özellikle İngiltere’dir. İngiltere kurumlarını hayranlıkla izlerler ve bu kurumları Türkiye’ye getirmeyi düşlerler. Hasta adamın kuşkusuz eğitim, maliye, idare, ekonomi, askerlik vb. gibi her alanda köklü reformlara ihtiyacı vardır. Batı kurumlarını örnek almak doğaldır. Ne var ki Reşit Paşa’nın başını çektiği bu ilk Batıcı aydınlar az sayıdadırlar ve toplum içinde güçsüzdürler. Ancak felaketler ve Avrupa devletlerinin desteği, onlara fikirlerini az çok uygulama fırsatı verebilir. Fırsat, Mısır Valisi’nin oğlu İbrahim Paşa’nın ciddi bir direnişle karşılaşmadan Kütahya önlerine gelişiyle ortaya çıkar. Acıdır ama, yönetimden bıkkın Anadolu kentleri halkı, istilacı paşaya biat eyler.[1] Anadolu askeriyle güçlenen paşanın İstanbul’a girmesi işten bile değildir. Babıâli, kendi Mısır Valisi’ne haddini bildirsin diye İngiltere’ye başvurur. İngiltere işi ağırdan alır. Rus birlikleri İstanbul’u kurtarır. İşe Ruslar karışınca, İngiltere ağırlığını koyar. Mısır Valisi’ne haddini bildirir, Rusları geriletir. İngiliz desteğini sağlayan Londra Elçisi Reşit Paşa, Hariciye Nazırlığı’na gelir. ‘Reform dönemi’ başlar.
İlk büyük reform, günümüzde de ‘Başka alternatif yok’ diye sunulan serbest pazar ekonomisine yöneliş olur. Avrupa tüccarına ve adamlarına yalnız dış ticaret değil, iç ticaret de açılır. Rumlar ve Ermeniler iç ticarette Avrupa’nın aracılığını sağlarlar. İngiltere’nin Türkiye’ye ihracatı, kısa sürede Fransa, Rusya ve İtalya’ya yaptığı toplam ihracatı aşar!
İngiliz kapitalisti bu tatlı pazardan hoşnuttur. Ülke açık pazar kalmak koşuluyla, İngiltere, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun toprak bütünlüğünü korumaya hazırdır. İngiltere bu konuda ilk Batıcı aydınlarımıza çok çekici gelen bir formül geliştirir:
- Türkiye, Avrupa Konseyi’ne[2] alınacaktır. Avrupa devletler hukuku ona da uygulanacaktır. İmparatorluğun toprak bütünlüğü ve bağımsızlığı, Avrupa’nın garantisi altına konulacaktır.
Bir Avrupa devleti olmak, Batıcı aydınlarımızın rüyasıdır. Ne var ki Türkiye’nin Avrupa Ailesi’nde layık bulunduğu yeri alabilmesi, insan haklarını uygulamasıyla olanaklıdır. Avrupa devletleri, bu konuyla yakından ilgilidirler.
Görülüyor ki, insanı meta sayan en acımasız ekonomik reçeteleri empoze eden devletler, Avrupalı olmaya karar verdiğimiz günden beri insan hakları savunucuları olarak karşımıza çıkarlar. O günlerde insan hakları, Hıristiyan-Müslüman eşitliği biçiminde anlaşılır. Avrupa’ya göre, Hıristiyanlar Osmanlı Devleti’nin ikinci sınıf uyruklarıdır. Hukuk yönünden eşitlik sağlanmalıdır. Gerçi hukuk planında bir eşitsizlik söz konusudur: Hıristiyan uyruklar, devlet hizmetlerinden ve askerlikten dışlanırlar. Hıristiyan olduklarından ek bir vergi öderler, mahkemelerdeki tanıklıkları eşdeğerlik taşımaz. Ama ekonomik planda, Hıristiyan uyruklar ön plandadırlar: Kentlerde ticaret, Hıristiyanların elindedir. Hıristiyan köyleri daha refahlıdır. Kısaca, askerlik yapmayan Hıristiyan zengin, savaş meydanlarında ömür tüketen Müslüman fakirdir. Serbest pazar ekonomisi, bu eşitsizliği arttırıcı yönde çalışır. Rum ve Ermeni nüfus hızla çoğalır ve zenginleşir. Adalardan göçlerle Ege’de Rum nüfus çok artar.

DEVAMINI OKUMAK ICIN...... 

Bizi Uyarmalıydınız: Türkiye’de Siyah Olmak

Mosa Nkoko

5 Harfliler - 12 Ağustos 2015

Mosa Nkoko’nun aşağıdaki yazısı Rumeysa Ceylan tarafından çevirilmiştir.

Burada oturmuş, bu konuya nasıl başlamam gerektiğini düşünüyorum çünkü söyleyecek çok şeyim var. Öncelikle, hepinize merhaba! Adım Mosa ve siyahi bir Afrikalıyım; zaten biliyordunuz değil mi? Bu çağda hâlâ siyahi insanların diğer ırkların göz dikmelerine maruz kalmalarına inanamıyorum. Bakın, size ırkçılık kartını oynayacak değilim, hayır! O taraklarda bezim yok. Son yazılarımda yurtdışındaki kişisel deneyimlerimden bahsetmiştim ama bu sefer Türkiye’deki tüm siyahların adına yazıyorum. Afro-Amerikan ya da Afrikalı olmanız farketmiyor, siyahi olduğunuz sürece muhtemelen bu anlatacaklarım sizin de günlük hayatınızın hikayesi ve burada anlatılanlar sadece öne çıkanlardan bazıları.
Şimdiye kadar ırkım üzerine pek düşünmemiştim, ta ki Türkiye’ye gelene kadar. Demek istediğim, siyahi olduğumu biliyorum ancak bu benim için hiç bir mesele olmamıştı. Pek çok insan bana Türkiye’de siyahi olmanın nasıl bir deneyim olduğunu sordu ve genelde onlara, “bana bu soruyu 2 sene önce sorsan kabus olduğunu ve düşmanıma dilemeyeceğimi söylerdim” diye cevap verirdim. Size Türklerin ırkçı olduğunu söylerdim ancak bu tam olarak doğru değil. Bana göre “ırkçı” kelimesi çok güçlü bir kelime, özellikle Türk halkı hakkında konuşurken aslında bu kelimeyi alın ve çöpe atın; hatta yapabiliyorsanız yakın. Şöyle diyelim: Türklerin bazılarının ırksal önyargıları var, bazıları ise fazla meraklı; bu onların doğasında var. Kendilerine yabancı bir şey gördüklerinde ona bakmak, dokunmak, onu hissetmek istiyorlar. Türkler sadece siyahi insanlara değil, onlara yabancı görünen herkese gözlerini dikiyor; ancak konu bize gelince sanıyorum ki derecesi biraz daha değişiyor.
Türkiye’de siyahsanız kesinlikle size aval aval bakılacaktır. Bazı bakışlar beğeni ya da meraktan ötürü ancak diğerleri yargılayıcı olacaktır. Daha önce de belirttiğim gibi, neredeyse 2 senedir buradayım ama hâlâ insanların bize egzotik meyvelermişiz gibi gözlerini diktiğini gördüğümde üzülüyorum. Bu durum kendimizden şüphe etmemize sebep oluyor çünkü bazı bakışlar görüntümüzde yanlış bir şey varmış etkisi yaratıyor. Diğer herkes gibi, insanın kendisine yabancı bir şey gördüğünde gözlerini dikmesini anlayabiliyorum ama bakılan bir insansa, bunu karşınızdakini rahatsız ya da daha az insanmış gibi hissettirerek yapamazsınız, hayır! Bu çok kaba. İnsanların bize baktığı, bizi parmaklarıyla işaret ettiği, bize gülümsediği ve hatta bazen bize güldüğü çok durumla karşılaştık. Bunlar beni ne kadar rahatsız etse de artık anlıyorum ki bunları kabalıktan ya da bizi gücendirmek istediklerinden yapmıyorlar, kendiliğinden böyle gelişiyor. Bu yazıyı Türkiye’de okuyan bazı siyahların “Bırak bunları! Bize gerçeği anlat!” dediğinden eminim ve anlatacağım da, ama burada insanların daha büyük resmi görmelerini istiyorum. Hepimiz kendi çevremizin ürünleri değil miyiz? Hepimiz kendi geçmiş deneyimlerimiz, kültürlerimiz, normlar ve değerlerimizden ötürü bazı şekillerde hareket etmiyor muyuz? Onların davranışlarını aklamıyorum, davranışları kabul edilemez. Ama onları yargılayamazsınız çünkü siyahlar buralarda çok nadir görülüyor. Ancak son yıllarda Türkiye’nin çekim gücünün artmasından dolayı siyah öğrenciler ve diğer siyahi göçmenlerin gelmesiyle sayıları çoğaldı.

DEVAMINI OKUMAK ICIN.....

Monday, September 7, 2015

Assistant Professor, Ottoman and Turkish Studies - McGill University

McGill University, Institute of Islamic Studies
Ottoman and Turkish Studies
The Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University, seeks to fill a tenure-stream position in Ottoman and Turkish Studies. Applications are welcome from scholars in all disciplines, who work on any aspect of the Ottoman Empire, modern Turkey, or Turkic Central Asia. Applicants whose research focuses on women, gender, and sexuality are especially encouraged to apply. In general, the committee is interested in receiving applications from scholars who adopt innovative and theoretically informed approaches to their areas of specialization. The ability to teach graduate-level courses using primary source material in the original language is required; ability to contribute to the Institute’s Ottoman/Turkish language program is desirable. Knowledge of French is an asset. Appointment is expected to be at the rank of Assistant Professor, but appointment at a higher rank is possible under exceptional circumstances. Starting date: August 1, 2016.
Interested candidates should submit a letter of application and a complete CV, and arrange for three letters of recommendation to be sent from the referees’ institutional email accounts, to the following website: https://academicjobsonline.org/ajo/jobs/5975. Informal inquiries may be directed to Mr. Andrew Staples, the Institute’s Administrative Officer, at jobsearch.islamicstudies@mcgill.ca. Further information about the Institute of Islamic Studies can be found at www.mcgill.ca/islamicstudies/.
McGill University is committed to diversity and equity in employment. It welcomes applications from: women, Aboriginal persons, persons with disabilities, ethnic minorities, persons of minority sexual orientation or gender identity, visible minorities, and others who may contribute to diversification. All qualified applicants are encouraged to apply; however, in accordance with Canadian immigration requirements, Canadians and permanent residents will be given priority.
Application deadline: November 15, 2015.

Thursday, September 3, 2015

REFUGEE MOTHER AND CHILD

REFUGEE MOTHER AND CHILD

by Chinua Achebe

No Madonna and Child could touch
that picture of a mother’s tenderness
for a son she soon would have to forget.
The air was heavy with odors
of diarrhoea of unwashed children
with washed-out ribs and dried-up
bottoms struggling in laboured
steps behind blown empty bellies.
Most mothers there had long ceased
to care but not this one; she held
a ghost smile between her teeth
and in her eyes the ghost of a mother’s
pride as she combed the rust-coloured
hair left on his skull and then –
singing in her eyes – began carefully
to part it…
In another life this would have been a little daily
act of no consequence before his
breakfast and school; now she
did it like putting flowers
on a tiny grave.

Sahildeki mülteci çocuk ve insanlık: Sadede gelin!

Avrupa önce Ukrayna’da silahlandırdığı Nazileri durdursun, Avrupa önce “ılımlı” Suriyeli muhaliflere MILAN anti-tank füzesi vermeyi durdursun, Avrupa önce Balkanlardaki istikrarsızlaştırıcı faaliyetlerini durdursun, Avrupa önce Doğu Avrupa’ya tank yığmayı durdursun. ABD ile beraber.
NATO uçaklarının Kaddafi'nin konvoyuna 5 bin 700 kg civarında bomba bıraktığı söylenirken, bombalar 14 aracı yok etti ve en az 53 kişinin ölümüne neden oldu.
Bu saldırıdan sonra yürüyerek kaçmaya çalışan Kaddafi ve korumaları bir tünelin içine girdiler. Buradaki çatışmanın ardından başına şarapnel parçası isabet ettiği için yaralanan Kaddafi'yi yakalayan silahlı grup, eski lideri meydana çıkartarak taciz etmeye başladı. Bundan sonra yere düşen Kaddafi'nin, bir silahlı milis tarafından, büyük ihtimalle süngü ile anüsünden yaralandığı belirtiliyor.
Durumu kabul eden çete komutanı Halid Ahmed Raid, "İnsanlar onun saçını çekiyor ve ona vuruyordu. Bir yargılama olması gerektiğini anlamıştık ancak herkesi kontrol edemedik, bazı davranışlar kontrolümüz dışında gerçekleşti." dedi.
Erman Çete

SOLHABER - Perşembe, 03 Eylül 2015

“Mülteci sorunu”nun vicdanlarda açtığı yaralardan bahsedeceksek, önce yukarıdaki korkunç ayrıntıları hatırlayacağız. O Libya ki, 2012 yılında Uluslararası Af Örgütü’nün hazırladığı bir rapora göre, kendi “kağıtsız yabancılar”ına Kaddafi dönemindekinden çok daha hayvanca davranıyordu. Rapora göre, Libya’ya gelen mülteciler, sığınma talebinde bulunanlar ve göçmenler kötü muamele, sınırsız gözaltı ve işkenceye maruz kalıyorlardı.
Mülteci sorununda vicdanınızın sesini mi dinlemek istiyorsunuz? Birleşmiş Milletler’in mülteci veritabanına bir tık kadar uzaktasınız. 2010 yılında Libya’dan mülteci ya da mülteci benzeri statü ile ayrılanların sayısı 2309. İç göç verisi bulunmuyor. Peki Kaddafi sonrası? 2014 yılında Le Monde’da çıkan bir makalaye göre, o tarihte yalnızca Tunus’ta 600 bin ila 1 milyon arasında mülteci yaşıyordu. Üstelik bunların çoğunu, “Cemahiriye”, yani Kaddafi destekçileri oluşturuyordu. Bu nüfus, NATO müdahalesinden önce Libya nüfusunun yüzde 10 ila 15’ine tekabül ediyor.
Vicdanınız mı sızladı? İnsanlığınızdan mı utandınız?
O “insanlık”, Kaddafi’nin işkence ile tanınmaz hale getirilmiş cesedi, Misrata’daki bir et deposunda sergilenirken öldü. Hatırlamadınız mı? Kaddafi’nin cansız bedeninin başına üşüşen leş kargaları, ellerinde telefonlarıyla “selfie” çekiyor; tam o sırada, uğursuz Hillary Clinton Libya liderinin ölüm haberini kikirdeyerek karşılıyordu.

DEVAMINI OKUMAK ICIN......

Wednesday, September 2, 2015

Al-Istanbul: How Turkey’s largest city became a hub for Arab tourists

Report: İpek Yezdani / İpek İzci

Hurriyet Daily News - Wednesday,September 2 2015

More and more Arab tourists visit Istanbul nowadays, but why do they choose this city? What do they think about Turks? What do Turks think about them? And what do Arabs in Turkey think of each other? Our reporters interviewed both sides on the streets of Istanbul and summarized their findings in this point-by-point report.

1) Why do Arabs visit Turkey? 
•They say they feel more comfortable and safe in Istanbul. 
•They find Turkey both European and close to home. They find it safe. They enjoy hearing the call to prayer and having the means to religious service whenever it is necessary. 
•Pretty much all of them have been influenced by Turkish TV shows.  
•They like five-star hotels on the Bosporus as well as the ones in Talimhane and Sultanahmet. 
•Among the reasons is the fact that they can consume halal products. 
•They like iskender and simit the most. They are crazy about kumpir. Their dessert of choice is usually baklava but only if it is with ice-cream. 
•Alongside Istanbul, they also prefer Bursa, Bolu, Abant, Yalova and Trabzon. They almost never cross to the Asian side of Istanbul.

READ MORE.....

Tuesday, September 1, 2015

SYMPOSIUM ON CIVILIZATION, CITIES AND ARCHITECTURE , 12-14 April 2016 Istanbul

Turkish Historical Society invites applications for the following international conference. You can upload abstracts of your paper from the following link:
http://sempozyum.ttk.gov.tr/eng/2015-eng-sempozyum4.html
(The deadlines are extended, see the end of this message, and they are still accepting submissions).
Travel and accommodation expenses will be covered by TTK and Istanbul University.

All the best

Akif Kirecci
Bilkent University

SYMPOSIUM ON CIVILIZATION, CITIES AND ARCHITECTURE , 12-14 April 2016
Istanbul

About the symposium
Cities and urban culture are among the elements that most clearly reflect the civilization they belong to. Cities occupy a place in the center of daily life as the places where people live, trade is regularly carried out, government institutions are run, and justice is distributed. The architectural texture of a city is the embodiment of the culture and civilization of its inhabitants. The material development that took place in Turkey in the last decade has not yet found its reflection on Turkish cities in the form of a particular civil identity or aesthetics. In most cities in Turkey, the reinforced concrete buildings that reflect the country’s new-found prosperity increasingly take over their skylines in the form of vertical and disparate elements. In this context, the present symposium aims to revisit the heritage of Turkish-Muslim, along with Roman, Byzantine, Greek, Chinese and other civilizations in the field of urban planning and architecture and to discuss whether the needs of the modern way of life and traditional architecture are compatible with each other, how they can complement each other, and whether the historical heritage can in some way or other brought to bear on modern city planning.

Topics
The possible topics to be discussed by the Symposium On Civilization, Cities And Architecture include, but are not limited to:
•    The concept and construct of “city” and its planning in the context of civilization and culture.
•    Architecture and civil engineering in the context of civilization and culture.
•    Architecture and engineering education in the context of their links with tradition.
•    The relation between cities and civilization.
•    Do the skylines that emerge in modern Turkish cities reflect the architectural heritage, civil sensibility and human-oriented philosophy observable in Turkish and or Islamic history?
•    Are the present infrastructure and appearance of Turkish cities a result of rational choices made on the basis of knowledge and experience, or simply of ad-hoc responses to necessities?
•    What are the elements that make up the dichotomies modern/traditional city, modern/traditional architecture? Which are the points of convergence and divergence between these concepts and philosophical approaches?
•    What does traditional architecture have to offer to modern life?
•    Can traditional architecture be compatible with modern architecture? If the answer is in the positive, how could this compatibility be brought to bear on our present living spaces?
•    Is there education of traditional architecture in Turkey?
•    To what extent are the present faculties of architecture and civil engineering in Turkey able to transmit the Turkish civil heritage and traditional architecture to the new generations?
•    How can modern cities be planned by drawing upon the considerations of
traditional architecture?
•    How can the relations between cities, architecture and civilization in the time of the Seljukids, Beyliks, Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic be analyzed?
•    How did the Roman, Greek, Persian, Chinese, Indian and other classical civilizations inspire traditional and Modern Turkish-Muslim architecture and urban culture?
•    Philosophy of architecture and urban planning in Muslim, Turkish and other Asian and European civilizations.
•    The classics on architecture and cities in Muslim, Turkish and other Asian and European civilizations.
•    The relations between modern man and physical living spaces in the context of civil values and cultural heritage.
•    The great architects and city planners who have inspired Turkish-Muslim civilization in the past.
•    Traditional and modern houses of worship.
•    Mosque architecture and its transformation.
•    Domestic architecture and its transformation.
•    How are preferences linked with civilization reflected in architecture and city planning?

Important Dates
Place of Symposium: İstanbul
Symposium Dates: 12-14 April 2016
Abstracts (300 words) for Submission Deadline: 15 September 2015,
Announcement of Accepted Abstracts: 24 September 2015,
Deadline for submission of Articles: 14 December 2015,
Accepted Announcement of the Articles: 15 February 2016

Türkistan Yollarında Afganistan Türkmenleri 23 Nisan 2014 | TRT AVAZ


Kalem gibi kaşlarıŋ - Afganistan Türkleri