Saturday, February 27, 2016
Associate Professor in Modern Turkey: History, Language, Culture - University of Oslo
A permanent (tenure) position of Associate Professor in Modern Turkey: History, Language, Culture is available at the Department of Culture Studies and Oriental Languages, University of Oslo.
The holder of the position is expected to initiate and lead research related to historical, social and cultural developments in Turkey in the period after the middle of the 19th century, to supervise PhD and MA candidates, to participate in teaching, exam setting and evaluation at all levels, and to carry out administrative duties in accordance with the needs of the Department. The successful candidate will play a central role in further development of high-quality research and teaching in Middle East Studies at the Department in collaboration with colleagues, and is expected to take active part in the activities at the Department’s Centre for Islamic and Middle East Studies Center.
Requirements
•PhD or equivalent academic qualifications with a specialization in the study of Turkey or The Ottoman Empire after the middle of the 19th century
•The ability to use oral and written Turkish language sources in research and in courses taught at all levels
•Pedagogical skills and a willingness to take active part in academic leadership and administration, see How to document your pedagogical skills
•Personal suitability and motivation for the position
The following qualifications will be taken into account in the assessment of the applicants:
•Academic qualifications and academic production with a focus primarily on the study of historical, social and cultural developments in Turkey in the period after the middle of the 19th century; with an emphasis on works published within the last 5 years. Originality and innovative thinking are preferred to quantity
• Ability to contribute to the teaching of courses in Turkish language on all levels
• International peer-reviewed publications
• Potential to contribute to the long-term development of the academic and research environment at the department
• Positive results in external fund raising
• Pedagogical qualifications and ability to inspire students
• Interest, ability and/or experience in management and administration
• Collaborative skills and willingness to initiate joint projects
• Experience with collaboration across established academic disciplines, and ability to build international networks
• Communication and public outreach skills
• Candidates with a high-level of proficiency in another Turkic language or one of the other main languages of the Middle East may be given priority
In the assessment of the qualified candidates all criteria listed above will be explicitly addressed and assessed. The quality of published academic work, development potential and breadth of intellectual/academic interest will be prioritized in this order.
Full announcement: http://uio.easycruit.com/vacancy/1513033/62042?iso=no
Yeni Kitap: 1960-1980 Arası İslamcı Dergiler - Toparlanma ve Çeşitlenme
Şubat, 2016
NOBEL Akademik Yayıncılık
Ulus devlet serüveninin çeperinde şekillenen içe kapanma dönemi¬nin
düşünce dünyasında da ciddi bir sınır oluşturduğunu her ge¬çen gün daha
iyi anlıyoruz. Gündemler, kavramlar ve meseleleri ele alıştaki
öncelikler takip edildiğinde bu durum açıkça gözlemlene¬bilir. Bu
sınırlılığı aşma işaretlerinin en somut şekilde görüldüğü dönemin, çok
partili hayatın nispeten süreklileştiği 1960-1980 ara¬sı yıllar olduğunu
söylemek mümkündür. Bir ölçüde, halkın farklı katmanlarının doğrudan
sürece dâhil olduğu bu dönem, gerek Tür¬kiye’nin yakın tarihindeki özgül
ağırlığı, gerekse de İslamcı düşünce ve yayıncılık tarihindeki yeni
arayışlar, mecra tutuşlar, kurumlaş¬malar, çeşitlenmeler ve söylem
farklılaşmaları bakımından günü¬müzde de canlı bir şekilde etkisini
devam ettirmektedir.
Ayrıca dönemin faaliyetlerinde etkin rol üstlenmiş şahısların önemli bir kısmının hâlen hayatta bulunması bugünden yapılacak bir okumanın sınanmış bir gözle de murakabesine imkân vermek¬tedir. Bugünün Türkiyesini siyasette, bürokraside, sivil kurumlarda ve entelektüel alanda taşıyan kadroların çok önemli bir kısmının 1960-1980 döneminde yetişen kuşaklar olduğu dikkate alındığında, o yılların önemi daha iyi anlaşılacaktır. Sonuç olarak, günümüzü daha iyi anlamak için, adeta bugünün ana rahmi olan 1960-80 yıl¬larını yakından incelemenin gerekliliği oldukça açıktır. Dolayısıyla gerek tanık olduğumuz sürecin anlaşılmasına katkıda bulunması gerek yaşayan bu tarihî tanıklarla yeni kuşaklar arasında bir köprü oluşturma imkânı vermesi bu çalışmanın hem niyetini hem de kıymetini ortaya koymaktadır.
DEVAMINI OKUMAK ICIN........
NOBEL Akademik Yayıncılık
Ayrıca dönemin faaliyetlerinde etkin rol üstlenmiş şahısların önemli bir kısmının hâlen hayatta bulunması bugünden yapılacak bir okumanın sınanmış bir gözle de murakabesine imkân vermek¬tedir. Bugünün Türkiyesini siyasette, bürokraside, sivil kurumlarda ve entelektüel alanda taşıyan kadroların çok önemli bir kısmının 1960-1980 döneminde yetişen kuşaklar olduğu dikkate alındığında, o yılların önemi daha iyi anlaşılacaktır. Sonuç olarak, günümüzü daha iyi anlamak için, adeta bugünün ana rahmi olan 1960-80 yıl¬larını yakından incelemenin gerekliliği oldukça açıktır. Dolayısıyla gerek tanık olduğumuz sürecin anlaşılmasına katkıda bulunması gerek yaşayan bu tarihî tanıklarla yeni kuşaklar arasında bir köprü oluşturma imkânı vermesi bu çalışmanın hem niyetini hem de kıymetini ortaya koymaktadır.
İÇİNDEKİLER
I. BÖLÜM: İSLAMCILIĞI VE İSLAMCI DERGİCİLİĞİ
YENİDEN DÜŞÜNMEK
Türkiye’de İslamcılık Düşüncesinin Seyrini Dergiler
Üzerinden Okumak - Ahmet Köroğlu
1960 Öncesi İslamî Neşriyat: Sin(diril)me, Tahayyül ve
Tefekkür - Necdet Subaşı
Kenetlenmenin İmkânsızlığı: 1960-1980 Dönemi İslamcı Dergiciliğin Macerası Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme - Asım Öz
İslamcılığı Yeniden Düşünmek: Geçmişi Değerlendirmenin Ahlakı ve Geleceği Düşünmenin İmkanı
Vahdettin Işık
II. BÖLÜM: İSLAMCILIĞIN YEREL DİLİ: EDEBİYAT DERGİLERİ
1960-1980 Yılları Arasında Büyük Doğu Dergisi ve Necip Fazıl Kısakürek - Mahmut Hakkı AkıN
Antikomünist Propoganda: Büyük Doğu Mecmuası Örneği - Mustafa Oğuzhan Çolak, İbrahim Enes Aksu, Yunus Emre Tapan
Diriliş Dergisinde Tarih İlgisi ve Sonuçları - Yunus Emre Özsaray
Edebiyat Dergisi: Yerli Düşüncenin Sesi - İlhan Sadıkoğlu
Mavera: Yedi Güzel Adam’ın Dergisi - Şerife Nihal Zeybek
III. BÖLÜM: DÜŞÜNCEDE VE EYLEMDE YENİ ARAYIŞLAR
İslam Mecmuası ve İslam Âleminden Taşıdıkları: Soğuk Savaş
Dünyasında Ümmeti Tahayyül Etmek
Ayşen Baylak
Hilal Dergisi ve Hilal Yayınları: Yerli Bir Neşriyat
Harekâtı Olarak Çeviri Faaliyetleri - Alperen Gençosmanoğlu
Nur Talebelerinin Sesi: İhlas, Zülfikar ve Uhuvvet
Gazeteleri - Ahmet Karakaya
Zülfikar Mecmuası: 1960’lardaki Nur Hareketine Dair Bir
Okuma Denemesi - Alev Erkilet
İslamcı Yayıncılık Bağlamında Mücadele Birliği ve Dergileri - Mustafa Aydın
Millî Türk Talebe Birliği ve Millî Gençlik Dergisi Üzerine
Bir Değerlendirme - Serkan Yorgancılar
Akıncı Güç ve Akıncılar Dergilerinde Tartışmanın Şiddeti ve
Şiddetin Dili - Ertuğrul Zengin
Bir Yayıncılık Membaı Olarak Düşünce Dergisi - Mehmet Erken
Şûrâ-Tevhid-Hicret Gazeteleri ve İslami Düşüncede Radikal
Tavır - Kâmil Yeşil
IV. BÖLÜM: KURUMSAL BİRİKİMİN YANSIMALARI
Mümin mi, Makbul Vatandaş mı?: Hakses Dergisindeki Cuma
Hutbelerinin Analizi - Nurettin Ürün
Tohum Dergisi: Semiyolojik Bir Okuma - TuBa Aydın
İslam Medeniyeti Dergisi: İslam’ın Son Kalesinde Bir Umut - Fatih Kucur
Tuesday, February 9, 2016
Monday, February 8, 2016
Sunday, February 7, 2016
Defending the Current Academic Orthodoxy in Islamic Studies: A Response to Bruce Lawrence
Ali Mirsepassi and Tadd Fernee
Sociology of Islam, Volume 3, Issue 3-4, pages 107 – 124
ABSTRACT
Upon publishing our book, we expected colleagues to perhaps challenge us and write critical reviews.1 We wrote it with the intention of offering a critical study of the ‘new orthodoxy’ in Islamic studies, and particularly in fashionable us academic circles. However, we treated the scholars we criticized with utmost respect. We believe that our critical arguments are fair, and based on a careful reading of their works. It was sad and unexpected to read Professor Bruce Lawrence’s harshly aggressive yet complacently inattentive review of our book. Lawrence seems unhappy that our approach to Islam comes from a sociological and perhaps ‘non-believer’ perspective. His hostility, it appears, reflects personal intolerance rather than scholarly vocation. This is confirmed by the resolute refusal to analyze, even superficially, the book’s intellectual content or specific arguments. Lawrence prefers to simply smear its credibility based on innuendo and petty pretext. Without saying so directly, Lawrence employs the weight of his considerable reputation to defend the existing aca- demic orthodoxy in contemporary Islamic studies. This orthodoxy features an uncritical and idealized view of religion, combined with a highly critical atti- tude to a nebulously conceived modernity. Violence committed in the name of religion is either passed over in silence, or explained away in terms of a mis- reading of the holy sources. It is occasionally rationalized as a struggle of sub- jugated knowledge against hegemonic modernity. We now take the time to reply to Lawrence’s review of our book.2 Worse than simple disagreements (which are welcome and interesting), or errors of interpretation (which are understandable), the deliberate falsifications in Lawrence’s review raise serious issues of scholarly integrity. The tone is openly hostile, while refusing to discuss the book’s arguments even superficially. Lawrence stridently upbraids superficial and contingent details (one incoher- ence in the spelling of a name, otherwise spelled uniformly across several hun- dred pages), while ridiculing theses that never appear in the book at all. Lawrence seems especially displeased that the book does not deal primarily with Iran since ‘the authors are mostly Iranian’ (Lawrence 2015: 2). Given that there are two authors, and one is Iranian, how can they be mostly Iranian? It seems that Lawrence is either making a mathematical blunder, or an unkind insinuation concerning one of the two co-authors. Given that he writes his review as if only one author exists, it must certainly be the latter.
READ MORE:
http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/journals/10.1163/22131418-00303003
Sociology of Islam, Volume 3, Issue 3-4, pages 107 – 124
ABSTRACT
Upon publishing our book, we expected colleagues to perhaps challenge us and write critical reviews.1 We wrote it with the intention of offering a critical study of the ‘new orthodoxy’ in Islamic studies, and particularly in fashionable us academic circles. However, we treated the scholars we criticized with utmost respect. We believe that our critical arguments are fair, and based on a careful reading of their works. It was sad and unexpected to read Professor Bruce Lawrence’s harshly aggressive yet complacently inattentive review of our book. Lawrence seems unhappy that our approach to Islam comes from a sociological and perhaps ‘non-believer’ perspective. His hostility, it appears, reflects personal intolerance rather than scholarly vocation. This is confirmed by the resolute refusal to analyze, even superficially, the book’s intellectual content or specific arguments. Lawrence prefers to simply smear its credibility based on innuendo and petty pretext. Without saying so directly, Lawrence employs the weight of his considerable reputation to defend the existing aca- demic orthodoxy in contemporary Islamic studies. This orthodoxy features an uncritical and idealized view of religion, combined with a highly critical atti- tude to a nebulously conceived modernity. Violence committed in the name of religion is either passed over in silence, or explained away in terms of a mis- reading of the holy sources. It is occasionally rationalized as a struggle of sub- jugated knowledge against hegemonic modernity. We now take the time to reply to Lawrence’s review of our book.2 Worse than simple disagreements (which are welcome and interesting), or errors of interpretation (which are understandable), the deliberate falsifications in Lawrence’s review raise serious issues of scholarly integrity. The tone is openly hostile, while refusing to discuss the book’s arguments even superficially. Lawrence stridently upbraids superficial and contingent details (one incoher- ence in the spelling of a name, otherwise spelled uniformly across several hun- dred pages), while ridiculing theses that never appear in the book at all. Lawrence seems especially displeased that the book does not deal primarily with Iran since ‘the authors are mostly Iranian’ (Lawrence 2015: 2). Given that there are two authors, and one is Iranian, how can they be mostly Iranian? It seems that Lawrence is either making a mathematical blunder, or an unkind insinuation concerning one of the two co-authors. Given that he writes his review as if only one author exists, it must certainly be the latter.
READ MORE:
http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/journals/10.1163/22131418-00303003
Book Review: “Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography” reviewed by Prof. Feroz AHMAD
CHANGING TURKEY - on July 8, 2015
Professor Şükrü Hanioğlu began his career in Istanbul University as a political scientist and wrote his doctoral thesis on the Ottoman intellectual Abdullah Cevdet. It was then published and received moderately good reviews except from the pen of Cemil Meriç, himself an intellectual and man of letters of some distinction. Writing about Hanioğlu’s thesis later published as a book, Cemil Meriç wrote: “I got no pleasure from the doctoral thesis on Abdullah Cevdet. It is an extremely ordinary and insipid book. Based on police reports it is like a bad police novel. The writer knows neither the language nor does he understand Cevdet’s language. Those who supervised his thesis were also totally ignorant….” [1]. I do hope that Cemil Meriç would have been kinder and appreciative of Hanioğlu’s later works.
Since writing his thesis, Hanioğlu’s years at Princeton University have matured him into a scholar of some repute. There he reinvented himself as a historian and shifted his attention to what is becoming a multi-volume biography of the Young Turk movement, having completed two volumes so far. The first volume published in 1995 covered the years 1889, the founding of the Committee of Union and Progress, to the Paris congress of 1902. Volume two, published in 2001, covered the years 1902 –1908 when “the Young Turks prepared for the revolution”. I expected to see the publication of the next volume, perhaps two volumes on the Young Turks revolution and the constitutional period 1908-1918. But he seems to have decided to leapfrog that decade and write the book under review [2].
READ MORE.....
Professor Şükrü Hanioğlu began his career in Istanbul University as a political scientist and wrote his doctoral thesis on the Ottoman intellectual Abdullah Cevdet. It was then published and received moderately good reviews except from the pen of Cemil Meriç, himself an intellectual and man of letters of some distinction. Writing about Hanioğlu’s thesis later published as a book, Cemil Meriç wrote: “I got no pleasure from the doctoral thesis on Abdullah Cevdet. It is an extremely ordinary and insipid book. Based on police reports it is like a bad police novel. The writer knows neither the language nor does he understand Cevdet’s language. Those who supervised his thesis were also totally ignorant….” [1]. I do hope that Cemil Meriç would have been kinder and appreciative of Hanioğlu’s later works.
Since writing his thesis, Hanioğlu’s years at Princeton University have matured him into a scholar of some repute. There he reinvented himself as a historian and shifted his attention to what is becoming a multi-volume biography of the Young Turk movement, having completed two volumes so far. The first volume published in 1995 covered the years 1889, the founding of the Committee of Union and Progress, to the Paris congress of 1902. Volume two, published in 2001, covered the years 1902 –1908 when “the Young Turks prepared for the revolution”. I expected to see the publication of the next volume, perhaps two volumes on the Young Turks revolution and the constitutional period 1908-1918. But he seems to have decided to leapfrog that decade and write the book under review [2].
READ MORE.....
Wednesday, February 3, 2016
Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies Academic Mailing List Virginia Tech
Our Objectives
We have created a mailing list for scholars who may be interested in exchanging
academic information related with Islam and Muslim Societies. You will find the information necessary to be a subscriber to this list. This is a scholarly network on Islam and Muslim Societies, which facilitates the academic exchange of information on conferences, panels, articles, books, and events. This network does not promote the orientalist approach toward Islam and Muslim Societies. We believe that Islam is a part and parcel of World civilization and has contributed toward the humanistic value of mankind. However, the last two hundreds years of human history shows us that Muslim Societies have been subject to a colonialist process. This process has transformed Islam from its original meaning and message to that of a reactionary identity. Therefore, today in Muslim Societies we witness poverty, economic inequality, chaotic urbanization, corruption, anti-democratic regimes, gender inequality, and occupations. The Worldwide Islam Scholars Network promotes C. Wright Mills’ Sociological Imagination perspectives in relation to Islam and Muslim Societies. Within this network of Sociologists, Political Scientists, Religious Studies Scholars, Historians, we will exchange scholarly information on Islam and Muslim societies.
The Sociology of Islam Academic Mailing list at Portland State University is a free professional and academic networking tool to encourage interaction between individuals & organizations involved in Islam/Sociology of Islam/Islamist Movements and related fields worldwide. Members and subscribers are encouraged to dialogue and share resources on books, articles, conferences, teaching, and other related purposes.
The Archive at Virginia Tech
April 2007 – October 2009
April 2014 - Present
The Archive at Portland State University
November 2009 – April 2014
If you want to subscribe to the list, please send me an email.
Tugrulk(at)vt.edu or tugrulkeskin(at)maltepe.edu.tr
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM MAILING LIST:
* Country Subscribers
* ------- -----------
* Algeria 1
* Armenia 2
* Australia 31
* Austria 3
* Bangladesh 3
* Belgium 12
* Bosnia and Herzegovina 1
* Botswana 1
* Brazil 3
* Brunei Darussalam 1
* Bulgaria 1
* Canada 75
* Chile 2
* China 1
* Czech Republic 1
* Denmark 17
* ??? (EU) 9
* Egypt 1
* Finland 6
* France 25
* Germany 92
* Greece 1
* Hong Kong 1
* Hungary 3
* India 5
* Indonesia 3
* Ireland 3
* Islamic Republic of Iran 13
* Israel 19
* Italy 22
* Japan 9
* Kenya 2
* Kyrgyzstan 1
* Lebanon 5
* Luxembourg 1
* Malaysia 3
* Mexico 2
* Morocco 4
* Netherlands 27
* New Zealand 1
* Nigeria 3
* Norway 9
* Pakistan 8
* Palestinian Territory 1
* Poland 3
* Qatar 20
* Republic of Korea 3
* Russian Federation 6
* Saudi Arabia 1
* Singapore 5
* South Africa 7
* Spain 30
* Sweden 21
* Switzerland 9
* Thailand 1
* Turkey 91
* Uganda 1
* United Republic of Tanzania 1
* United arab emirates 7
* United kingdom 115
* United states 1,557
*
* Total number of "concealed" subscribers: 1
* Total number of users subscribed to the list: 2312 (non-"concealed" only)
* Total number of countries represented: 61
* Total number of universities represented: 413
Best and Salaam to you all,
Tugrul Keskin
Founder and Moderator of the Sociology of Islam Mailing List
*****************
MESSAGE APPROVAL RULES
COPYRIGHT
CODE OF ETHICS
SUBSCRIPTION
Dear Sociology of Islam Subscribers,
MESSAGE APPROVAL RULES:
1. Please send us informational messages, such as job ads, syllabi, research requests, new books or articles, conference and panel announcements, news and articles related to Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies.
2. Discussion messages will be approved; however, we will not approve more than one discussion message a day from the same scholar.
3. Total discussion messages will not exceed more than 2 messages a day. We remain mindful of not flooding our members’ email inboxes with ongoing exchanges that are oftentimes limited to a few individuals. We encourage you to continue those discussions; however, please be mindful.
4. One-line or one-sentence messages will not be approved.
5. Please send your congratulations emails directly to intended members.
6. Marketing messages by publishers will be deleted.
7. Messages that contain personal or ad-hominem attacks will not be approved. Such messages constitute a violation of the list serve’s code of ethics.
8. Please remember Sociology of Islam has a right to approve or reject your messages. When you sign up for the list, you accept this rule. This is what distinguishes the list from personal discussion chains.
COPYRIGHT: © 2008 ISSN 1942-7956
1. If you are a subscriber to the Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies mailing list, you automatically accept the conditions and rules of the mailing list.
2. When you submit an email to the list, you accept the conditions and rules of the mailing list.
3. Please do not forward our list serve messages to third parties. If you do forward our messages to non-member third parties (non-academic community), you will be removed from the list. Our list serve is copyright protected.
4. If you use any information from our mailing list, for your book, article or website, you must cite the Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies mailing list or you must get permission from the moderators, owner or original author (subscriber).
CODE OF ETHICS:
1. The Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies Mailing List follows the ASA code of Ethics: http://www.asanet.org/about/ethics.cfm
2. Members who violate this code of ethics will be removed from the list.
SUBSCRIPTION:
1. The Sociology of Islam subscription is open to anyone who is either a scholar or a student of Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies. The Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies Scholarly Network reserves the right not to include and to remove those who appear not to meet this criterion. However, we do not accept subscription request from anonymous email accounts, such as Gmail, Hotmail, Yahoo or Gmx (or other); therefore, you should email your subscription request from your university email address with your full name.
Committee on Ethic and Implementation of Rules
This committee will review the cases and will decide about their compliance with stated rules, regulations and code of ethnics of the list. It will consist of 5 members. The majority of the voters will elect the members of this committee.
Term Limit: Two years period.
Moderators: Moderator position is open to any of the subscribers of the Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies Mailing List who has been in the list more than two years. Candidate for being a moderator should send her/his short CV to the list and the majority of the voters will elect it.
Term Limit: One year.
Subscribers: The following people can be subscribers to the mailing list:
· Emeritus/ Emeriti faculty with university email addresses
· Full, Associate and Assistant Professors with university email addresses;
· Visiting Assistant Professors with university email addresses;
· Adjunct and Fixed Term Instructors with university email addresses;
· PhD, MA and Undergraduate students with university email addresses;
· Think-Tank scholars with email addresses from their organizations;
· Staff who work at Middle East or Islamic Studies Centers with university email addresses;
· Independent Scholars with university or institutional email addresses
We have created a mailing list for scholars who may be interested in exchanging
academic information related with Islam and Muslim Societies. You will find the information necessary to be a subscriber to this list. This is a scholarly network on Islam and Muslim Societies, which facilitates the academic exchange of information on conferences, panels, articles, books, and events. This network does not promote the orientalist approach toward Islam and Muslim Societies. We believe that Islam is a part and parcel of World civilization and has contributed toward the humanistic value of mankind. However, the last two hundreds years of human history shows us that Muslim Societies have been subject to a colonialist process. This process has transformed Islam from its original meaning and message to that of a reactionary identity. Therefore, today in Muslim Societies we witness poverty, economic inequality, chaotic urbanization, corruption, anti-democratic regimes, gender inequality, and occupations. The Worldwide Islam Scholars Network promotes C. Wright Mills’ Sociological Imagination perspectives in relation to Islam and Muslim Societies. Within this network of Sociologists, Political Scientists, Religious Studies Scholars, Historians, we will exchange scholarly information on Islam and Muslim societies.
The Sociology of Islam Academic Mailing list at Portland State University is a free professional and academic networking tool to encourage interaction between individuals & organizations involved in Islam/Sociology of Islam/Islamist Movements and related fields worldwide. Members and subscribers are encouraged to dialogue and share resources on books, articles, conferences, teaching, and other related purposes.
The Archive at Virginia Tech
April 2007 – October 2009
April 2014 - Present
The Archive at Portland State University
November 2009 – April 2014
If you want to subscribe to the list, please send me an email.
Tugrulk(at)vt.edu or tugrulkeskin(at)maltepe.edu.tr
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION OF THE SOCIOLOGY OF ISLAM MAILING LIST:
* Country Subscribers
* ------- -----------
* Algeria 1
* Armenia 2
* Australia 31
* Austria 3
* Bangladesh 3
* Belgium 12
* Bosnia and Herzegovina 1
* Botswana 1
* Brazil 3
* Brunei Darussalam 1
* Bulgaria 1
* Canada 75
* Chile 2
* China 1
* Czech Republic 1
* Denmark 17
* ??? (EU) 9
* Egypt 1
* Finland 6
* France 25
* Germany 92
* Greece 1
* Hong Kong 1
* Hungary 3
* India 5
* Indonesia 3
* Ireland 3
* Islamic Republic of Iran 13
* Israel 19
* Italy 22
* Japan 9
* Kenya 2
* Kyrgyzstan 1
* Lebanon 5
* Luxembourg 1
* Malaysia 3
* Mexico 2
* Morocco 4
* Netherlands 27
* New Zealand 1
* Nigeria 3
* Norway 9
* Pakistan 8
* Palestinian Territory 1
* Poland 3
* Qatar 20
* Republic of Korea 3
* Russian Federation 6
* Saudi Arabia 1
* Singapore 5
* South Africa 7
* Spain 30
* Sweden 21
* Switzerland 9
* Thailand 1
* Turkey 91
* Uganda 1
* United Republic of Tanzania 1
* United arab emirates 7
* United kingdom 115
* United states 1,557
*
* Total number of "concealed" subscribers: 1
* Total number of users subscribed to the list: 2312 (non-"concealed" only)
* Total number of countries represented: 61
* Total number of universities represented: 413
Best and Salaam to you all,
Tugrul Keskin
Founder and Moderator of the Sociology of Islam Mailing List
*****************
MESSAGE APPROVAL RULES
COPYRIGHT
CODE OF ETHICS
SUBSCRIPTION
Dear Sociology of Islam Subscribers,
MESSAGE APPROVAL RULES:
1. Please send us informational messages, such as job ads, syllabi, research requests, new books or articles, conference and panel announcements, news and articles related to Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies.
2. Discussion messages will be approved; however, we will not approve more than one discussion message a day from the same scholar.
3. Total discussion messages will not exceed more than 2 messages a day. We remain mindful of not flooding our members’ email inboxes with ongoing exchanges that are oftentimes limited to a few individuals. We encourage you to continue those discussions; however, please be mindful.
4. One-line or one-sentence messages will not be approved.
5. Please send your congratulations emails directly to intended members.
6. Marketing messages by publishers will be deleted.
7. Messages that contain personal or ad-hominem attacks will not be approved. Such messages constitute a violation of the list serve’s code of ethics.
8. Please remember Sociology of Islam has a right to approve or reject your messages. When you sign up for the list, you accept this rule. This is what distinguishes the list from personal discussion chains.
COPYRIGHT: © 2008 ISSN 1942-7956
1. If you are a subscriber to the Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies mailing list, you automatically accept the conditions and rules of the mailing list.
2. When you submit an email to the list, you accept the conditions and rules of the mailing list.
3. Please do not forward our list serve messages to third parties. If you do forward our messages to non-member third parties (non-academic community), you will be removed from the list. Our list serve is copyright protected.
4. If you use any information from our mailing list, for your book, article or website, you must cite the Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies mailing list or you must get permission from the moderators, owner or original author (subscriber).
CODE OF ETHICS:
1. The Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies Mailing List follows the ASA code of Ethics: http://www.asanet.org/about/ethics.cfm
2. Members who violate this code of ethics will be removed from the list.
SUBSCRIPTION:
1. The Sociology of Islam subscription is open to anyone who is either a scholar or a student of Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies. The Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies Scholarly Network reserves the right not to include and to remove those who appear not to meet this criterion. However, we do not accept subscription request from anonymous email accounts, such as Gmail, Hotmail, Yahoo or Gmx (or other); therefore, you should email your subscription request from your university email address with your full name.
Committee on Ethic and Implementation of Rules
This committee will review the cases and will decide about their compliance with stated rules, regulations and code of ethnics of the list. It will consist of 5 members. The majority of the voters will elect the members of this committee.
Term Limit: Two years period.
Moderators: Moderator position is open to any of the subscribers of the Sociology of Islam and Muslim Societies Mailing List who has been in the list more than two years. Candidate for being a moderator should send her/his short CV to the list and the majority of the voters will elect it.
Term Limit: One year.
Subscribers: The following people can be subscribers to the mailing list:
· Emeritus/ Emeriti faculty with university email addresses
· Full, Associate and Assistant Professors with university email addresses;
· Visiting Assistant Professors with university email addresses;
· Adjunct and Fixed Term Instructors with university email addresses;
· PhD, MA and Undergraduate students with university email addresses;
· Think-Tank scholars with email addresses from their organizations;
· Staff who work at Middle East or Islamic Studies Centers with university email addresses;
· Independent Scholars with university or institutional email addresses
Thursday, January 28, 2016
Adrese Dayalı Nüfus Kayıt Sistemi Sonuçları, 2015
Türkiye nüfusu 31 Aralık 2015 tarihi itibarıyla 78 milyon 741 bin 53 kişi oldu
Türkiye’de ikamet eden nüfus 2015
yılında, bir önceki yıla göre 1 milyon 45 bin 149 kişi arttı. Erkek
nüfusun oranı %50,2 (39 milyon 511 bin 191 kişi), kadın nüfusun oranı
ise %49,8 (39 milyon 229 bin 862 kişi) olarak gerçekleşti.
Türkiye’nin yıllık nüfus artış hızı, binde 13,4 olarak gerçekleşti
Yıllık nüfus artış hızı 2014 yılında ‰13,3 iken, 2015 yılında ‰13,4 oldu.
İl ve ilçe merkezlerinde yaşayanların oranı %92,1 oldu
Yıllık nüfus artış hızı 2014 yılında ‰13,3 iken, 2015 yılında ‰13,4 oldu.
İl ve ilçe merkezlerinde yaşayanların oranı %92,1 oldu
İl ve ilçe merkezlerinde ikamet
edenlerin oranı 2014 yılında %91,8 iken, bu oran 2015 yılında %92,1’e
yükseldi. Belde ve köylerde yaşayanların oranı ise %7,9 olarak
gerçekleşti.
İstanbul’da ikamet eden nüfus bir önceki yıla göre %2 artış gösterdi
Türkiye nüfusunun %18,6’sının ikamet ettiği İstanbul, 14 milyon 657
bin 434 kişi ile en çok nüfusa sahip olan il oldu. Bunu sırasıyla %6,7
(5 milyon 270 bin 575 kişi) ile Ankara, %5,3 (4 milyon 168 bin 415 kişi)
ile İzmir, %3,6 (2 milyon 842 bin 547 kişi) ile Bursa ve %2,9 (2 milyon
288 bin 456 kişi) ile Antalya illeri takip etti. Bayburt ili ise 78 bin
550 kişi ile en az nüfusa sahip il oldu.
Türkiye nüfusunun ortanca yaşı yükseldi
Ülkemizde 2014 yılında 30,7 olan ortanca yaş, 2015 yılında önceki
yıla göre artış göstererek 31 oldu. Ortanca yaş erkeklerde 30,4 iken,
kadınlarda 31,6 olarak gerçekleşti. Ortanca yaşın en yüksek olduğu iller
sırasıyla Sinop (39,3), Balıkesir (38,8) ve Kastamonu (38,3) iken, en
düşük olduğu iller ise sırasıyla Şanlıurfa (19,3), Şırnak (19,5) ve Ağrı
(20,3)’dır.
Tuesday, January 26, 2016
Saturday, January 23, 2016
Chorus of Imperialism and "Academic Freedom" - give a 39cents
Chorus of Imperialism and "Academic Freedom" - give a 39cents
Over the last few weeks, we have seen dramatic changes in Turkish (and Kurdish) politics. More than 1100 academicians signed the petition against the Turkish government and people of Turkey. First of all, let me clarify that I never voted for, or supported the JDP or AK Party. And most importantly, I harshly criticized the AK Party government on neoliberalism and its policy toward imperialism while some of these academicians were benefiting from the AK Party government and state institutions.
On the other hand, in the last couple of decades, Turkey has been fighting against PKK terrorism which has been supported directly or indirectly by American and European Imperialist interests to divide Turkey and create an independent Kurdish State. These imperialist powers sometime use academicians, journalists, human rights defenders, NGOs or some academic organizations (such as the MESA academic freedom committee under Zachary Lockman, who is more orientalist than Bernard Lewis). The MESA academic freedom committee is not in a moral position to judge people in Turkey or the Middle East. They are pure orientalists and imperialists, and they work with state institutions, such as the US Department of State, the Department of Education and Department of Defense. This is an example of Rudyard Kipling’s responsibility for the white man's burden.
In the last few decades, concepts such as human rights, academic freedom, press freedom, and democracy have become commodities for American and European imperialist academia, and these concepts are used against developing nations as took place with the civilization project in Africa in the 19th and 20th centuries. They use similar methods and concepts against China on Falun Gang, and also regarding the Tibet, Uyghur, and Taiwan issues, but with a blind eye to Islamophobia, racism (just recall the Ferguson and anti- immigrant attitudes) and corrupt Chinese officials in the US and Europe who escaped from their homeland with millions, stealing the money; now with a safe heaven in beautiful San Francisco, "Irvine" or London.
Interestingly, "as you know very well the Kurdish Issue”, the Washington Propaganda machine Voice of America has a Kurdish section which was led by Michael Chyet who lived in Turkey between 1973-1980. This man, similar to Alan Makovsky (from the Washington Institute for Near East Policy) has focused on Turkey and the Kurdish issue since the 1970s. As another example; Graham Fuller and Henri Barkey (whose wife worked in the CIA – as Vice President of the Central Intelligence Council). Graham Fuller is on this list and If I am making a mistake he should correct me:) This is normal according to nation-state versus nation-state relations in international relations. The US is trying to divide Turkey and using different methods than the occupation of Iraq, which was based on a more obvious form of imperialism. In this context, the US is using academicians, NGOs, freelancers, human rights activists, and some academic organizations. This is soft imperialism which is based on NED-style democracy projections which come with code word: “freedom.” US and European governments (and their so-called freelancers) use similar methods against China on the Uyghur Issue. Most interestingly, both Uyghur and Kurdish activists (at the leadership level) get their support from governmental channels. They also use similar tactics against Iran. Whether Iran, Turkey or China is democratic or not; they are as democratic as the US, France and Britain.
On the Kurdish issue, a couple of days ago, a beautiful 4 year old girl was killed by the PKK (take a look at the picture http://sociologyofturkey.blogspot.com.tr/2016/01/mevlude-irem-was-killed-by-pkk.html), who have been actively supported by the US and Europe - and by some of these academicians! This is very similar to 1994 Rwanda. Some people blamed Hutus, and some of them blamed Tutsis for Genocide, but no one talked about the historical condition of imperialism in Rwanda, facilitated by Belgium, France and the US. There was no accountability from this end. What a surprise! Whatever problems we have in the colonized lands are inherited from the historical conditions of imperialism, including the Kurdish Issue or Rwandan genocide. So-called academicians who work with governmental intelligence organizations or use freedom house to classify the relative levels of democracy development. This is purely an imperialist strategy against the colonized lands.
You eat organic food, bike to school, love dogs and animals, play music, visit Qatar and met with Al-Thani, and have a pretty good life style. Also, you have a responsibility toward savage people who need to be taught how to be a democratic, or to use freedom of expression. This is a well-regarded responsibility for those who signed this petition. However, there are more than 7 billion people on the earth and most of them have suffered rather than benefiting from this type of intervention (Humanitarian Imperialist intervention). Brother Farrakhan said that you are not in a moral position to judge:
A scholar like Noam Chomsky who signed the letter, worked at MIT and lives in Boston, goes to Starbucks and drinks his daily coffee. Chomsky is a white liberal western orientalist scholar, received funding from the NED, which was established by the CIA for his trip to Turkey in 2002. His assistant (Filiz…….) was provided by the NED on his trip to Turkey. Her husband was a close friend of Franc Carlucci (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Carlucci), who was the former Department Defense guy and worked as Chair of the Carlyle group (https://www.carlyle.com/). My former advisor, Samih Farsoun (Christian Arab) who was a close friend of Edward Said (and introduced me to Dr. Said in 2000) said to me once while we visited Dr. Said in New York, that Arabs, Muslims, or colonized scholars are different than Chomsky and other white liberals/western leftist and they will never understand our struggle against Imperialism. Therefore, they use the house negroes against us. Unfortunately, we have many of them in Muslim-populated societies. Some of these house negroes that signed the petition, come from an elitist missionary school background, from rich families in Turkey; and actually they have never been oppressed in their lifetime. They exist only in the ivory tower of capitalism, benefiting from state funding and resources. They complain about academic freedom, but they are the problem. This is a closed niche network which is based on activism, and they largely hate Turks and Islam. You really do not know them. This is not about academic freedom, because these academicians have enjoyed academic freedom by using state funding and resources. Most of them do not even know how Turkish/Kurdish people live, and what they eat!
Your writings and views remind of the white man in this video:
There are also similar cases in the Iran 2009 Green Movement, the Tibet and Uyghur Issue in China, in Venezuela and Zimbabwe against Chavez and Mugabe governments, against Julius Malema in South Africa, etc. Or more historical cases, such as the Humanitarian imperialist strategy against, Castro, Salvador Allende, Nkrumah, Mandela, and so on.
In short, Erdogan or the AKParty is not more or less authoritarian than Obama, Cameron, Merkel, NSA, Fulbright Commission or MESA. On the other hand, of course the Erdogan or AK Party has authoritarian tendencies as much as Netanyahu, Bush, Obama, Cameron, Republicans, Democrats, MESA (Middle East Studies Association, etc). But Erdogan is not Hitler or Mussolini as some Jewish liberal scholars claim, such as a professor from St Lawrence University who is an advisor to the State Department and the HRW Turkey project; because these fascist leaders (Mussolini, Hitler, etc) belong to the West and flourished in the ashes of imperialism. Whether Erdogan is an authoritarian or not, it is our problem; the rest is not your business. We do not need another Rudyard Kipling.
Enjoy your illusionary freedom,
Tugrul Keskin
Over the last few weeks, we have seen dramatic changes in Turkish (and Kurdish) politics. More than 1100 academicians signed the petition against the Turkish government and people of Turkey. First of all, let me clarify that I never voted for, or supported the JDP or AK Party. And most importantly, I harshly criticized the AK Party government on neoliberalism and its policy toward imperialism while some of these academicians were benefiting from the AK Party government and state institutions.
On the other hand, in the last couple of decades, Turkey has been fighting against PKK terrorism which has been supported directly or indirectly by American and European Imperialist interests to divide Turkey and create an independent Kurdish State. These imperialist powers sometime use academicians, journalists, human rights defenders, NGOs or some academic organizations (such as the MESA academic freedom committee under Zachary Lockman, who is more orientalist than Bernard Lewis). The MESA academic freedom committee is not in a moral position to judge people in Turkey or the Middle East. They are pure orientalists and imperialists, and they work with state institutions, such as the US Department of State, the Department of Education and Department of Defense. This is an example of Rudyard Kipling’s responsibility for the white man's burden.
In the last few decades, concepts such as human rights, academic freedom, press freedom, and democracy have become commodities for American and European imperialist academia, and these concepts are used against developing nations as took place with the civilization project in Africa in the 19th and 20th centuries. They use similar methods and concepts against China on Falun Gang, and also regarding the Tibet, Uyghur, and Taiwan issues, but with a blind eye to Islamophobia, racism (just recall the Ferguson and anti- immigrant attitudes) and corrupt Chinese officials in the US and Europe who escaped from their homeland with millions, stealing the money; now with a safe heaven in beautiful San Francisco, "Irvine" or London.
Interestingly, "as you know very well the Kurdish Issue”, the Washington Propaganda machine Voice of America has a Kurdish section which was led by Michael Chyet who lived in Turkey between 1973-1980. This man, similar to Alan Makovsky (from the Washington Institute for Near East Policy) has focused on Turkey and the Kurdish issue since the 1970s. As another example; Graham Fuller and Henri Barkey (whose wife worked in the CIA – as Vice President of the Central Intelligence Council). Graham Fuller is on this list and If I am making a mistake he should correct me:) This is normal according to nation-state versus nation-state relations in international relations. The US is trying to divide Turkey and using different methods than the occupation of Iraq, which was based on a more obvious form of imperialism. In this context, the US is using academicians, NGOs, freelancers, human rights activists, and some academic organizations. This is soft imperialism which is based on NED-style democracy projections which come with code word: “freedom.” US and European governments (and their so-called freelancers) use similar methods against China on the Uyghur Issue. Most interestingly, both Uyghur and Kurdish activists (at the leadership level) get their support from governmental channels. They also use similar tactics against Iran. Whether Iran, Turkey or China is democratic or not; they are as democratic as the US, France and Britain.
On the Kurdish issue, a couple of days ago, a beautiful 4 year old girl was killed by the PKK (take a look at the picture http://sociologyofturkey.blogspot.com.tr/2016/01/mevlude-irem-was-killed-by-pkk.html), who have been actively supported by the US and Europe - and by some of these academicians! This is very similar to 1994 Rwanda. Some people blamed Hutus, and some of them blamed Tutsis for Genocide, but no one talked about the historical condition of imperialism in Rwanda, facilitated by Belgium, France and the US. There was no accountability from this end. What a surprise! Whatever problems we have in the colonized lands are inherited from the historical conditions of imperialism, including the Kurdish Issue or Rwandan genocide. So-called academicians who work with governmental intelligence organizations or use freedom house to classify the relative levels of democracy development. This is purely an imperialist strategy against the colonized lands.
You eat organic food, bike to school, love dogs and animals, play music, visit Qatar and met with Al-Thani, and have a pretty good life style. Also, you have a responsibility toward savage people who need to be taught how to be a democratic, or to use freedom of expression. This is a well-regarded responsibility for those who signed this petition. However, there are more than 7 billion people on the earth and most of them have suffered rather than benefiting from this type of intervention (Humanitarian Imperialist intervention). Brother Farrakhan said that you are not in a moral position to judge:
A scholar like Noam Chomsky who signed the letter, worked at MIT and lives in Boston, goes to Starbucks and drinks his daily coffee. Chomsky is a white liberal western orientalist scholar, received funding from the NED, which was established by the CIA for his trip to Turkey in 2002. His assistant (Filiz…….) was provided by the NED on his trip to Turkey. Her husband was a close friend of Franc Carlucci (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Carlucci), who was the former Department Defense guy and worked as Chair of the Carlyle group (https://www.carlyle.com/). My former advisor, Samih Farsoun (Christian Arab) who was a close friend of Edward Said (and introduced me to Dr. Said in 2000) said to me once while we visited Dr. Said in New York, that Arabs, Muslims, or colonized scholars are different than Chomsky and other white liberals/western leftist and they will never understand our struggle against Imperialism. Therefore, they use the house negroes against us. Unfortunately, we have many of them in Muslim-populated societies. Some of these house negroes that signed the petition, come from an elitist missionary school background, from rich families in Turkey; and actually they have never been oppressed in their lifetime. They exist only in the ivory tower of capitalism, benefiting from state funding and resources. They complain about academic freedom, but they are the problem. This is a closed niche network which is based on activism, and they largely hate Turks and Islam. You really do not know them. This is not about academic freedom, because these academicians have enjoyed academic freedom by using state funding and resources. Most of them do not even know how Turkish/Kurdish people live, and what they eat!
Your writings and views remind of the white man in this video:
Don’t forget to donate your 39 cents to these freedom loving people :)
There are also similar cases in the Iran 2009 Green Movement, the Tibet and Uyghur Issue in China, in Venezuela and Zimbabwe against Chavez and Mugabe governments, against Julius Malema in South Africa, etc. Or more historical cases, such as the Humanitarian imperialist strategy against, Castro, Salvador Allende, Nkrumah, Mandela, and so on.
In short, Erdogan or the AKParty is not more or less authoritarian than Obama, Cameron, Merkel, NSA, Fulbright Commission or MESA. On the other hand, of course the Erdogan or AK Party has authoritarian tendencies as much as Netanyahu, Bush, Obama, Cameron, Republicans, Democrats, MESA (Middle East Studies Association, etc). But Erdogan is not Hitler or Mussolini as some Jewish liberal scholars claim, such as a professor from St Lawrence University who is an advisor to the State Department and the HRW Turkey project; because these fascist leaders (Mussolini, Hitler, etc) belong to the West and flourished in the ashes of imperialism. Whether Erdogan is an authoritarian or not, it is our problem; the rest is not your business. We do not need another Rudyard Kipling.
Enjoy your illusionary freedom,
Tugrul Keskin
Friday, January 22, 2016
Thursday, January 14, 2016
Akademisyenler nereye? Hak Arayışı Değil, Aymazlık!
Bir gurup akademisyenin Güneydoğu’daki olaylardan yola çıkarak yaptıkları açıklama, kamu vicdanını rencide edici, Üniversite camiasını lekeleyici niteliktedir. Hedef tahtasına konan, yürütülen operasyonun yanlışları/doğruları değil “kasıtlı ve planlı kıyımla” suçlanan Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’dir. Hendekler, mayınlar, silahlar demokratik hak arayışının araçları mıdır? Güneydoğu’daki çatışmaların bir tarafını (gayri-meşru olanı) örterek , gizleyerek kamuoyunu yanıltmak, aymazlıktır. Üstelik, dikkat edilsin, kullanılan dil Cumhuriyet’le çatışan gayri-meşru örgütün dilidir. “Devletin başta Kürt halkı olmak üzere tüm bölge halklarına karşı gerçekleştirdiği katliam ve uyguladığı bilinçli sürgün politikası” ifadesi örgütün propagandası değilse, nedir? “Hükümetin Kürt siyasi iradesinin taleplerini içeren bir yol haritasını oluşturması” gibi ifadeler anlaşılabilir gibi değildir. “Kürt siyasi iradesinden” kasıt nedir? Ne isteniyor? Altına imza koyan Akademisyenler metni okumadılar mı yoksa? Daha da vahim olanı, “uluslararası bağımsız gözlemcilerin yıkım bölgelerinde giriş, gözlem ve raporlama yapmasına izin verilmesi” talepleridir. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ne saldıranların yabancı gözlemcileri bölgeye çağırmaları, bölgede casusların kaynadığı bir ortamda, olsa olsa yangına körükle gitmektir. Aymazlıkta RT Erdoğan’ın payı büyük Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan’ın bu kişileri karşı kullandığı sözcükler ve YÖK’ü göreve çağırması, yanlışı bir başka yanlışla çözme girişimidir. Gelinen noktadan Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan da sorumludur. Açılım adıyla yürütülen ne idüğü belirsiz süreçte muhatapları, “akil adamları” bugün saldırdığı kişilerdir. Neo-liberal süreçte ulusal değerleri çiğnenen Üniversite, YÖK ile terbiye edilemez “Akademisyenler Bildirisi” adındaki bu metin Üniversiteyi yaralayıcı niteliktedir. Unutmayalım, Cumhuriyet’in değerleri bölgenin itildiği etnik- mezhep çatışmalarına karşı güvencedir. Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin bütünlüğüne ve ulusun birlikte yaşama iradesine bağlı kalacağımızı, TC’nin kamu/özel üniversitelerinde göre yapan Akademisyenler olarak kamuoyuna ilan ediyor, Tüm akademisyenleri bu çıkmaz yoldan biran önce çıkmaya çağırıyoruz.
TÜMÖD (Tüm Öğretim Elemanları Derneği) adına Prof. Dr. Kürşat Yıldız
http://www.tumod.org.tr/
“Barış (?) için Akademisyenler Grubu” Bildirisi Üzerine
Yrd. Doç. Dr. Erkan ÇAV
11 Ocak 2016 günü
Türkiye’deki ve ülke dışındaki üniversitelerde görev yapan ve bir kısmı emekli,
Prof., Doç., Dr., Doktora Öğrencisi, Öğretim Görevlisi ve Araştırma Görevlisi tarafından Barış kavramının içini doldurmayan bir bildiri yayınlandı. Bu sebeple
Barış kelimesinin yanına soru ve sorun işareti
ile başlıyorum yazıma. 1100 civarındaki Akademi üyesinin, “Barış (?) için
Akademisyenler Grubu” adına imza attıkları bildiri hakkında, izlenilen yaklaşımın
yanlış, göstergelerin eksik ve toplumu yanıltıcı olduğunu bildirinin kendi cümleleri
üzerinden göstererek ve düşüncelerimi açıklayarak, nihai değerlendirmeyi kamuoyunun
takdirlerine bırakıyorum.
Bildiride yer alan; “Türkiye Cumhuriyeti; vatandaşlarını Sur’da, Silvan’da, Nusaybin’de,
Cizre’de, Silopi’de ve daha pek çok yerde haftalarca süren sokağa çıkma
yasakları altında fiilen açlığa ve susuzluğa mahkûm etmekte, yerleşim yerlerine
ancak bir savaşta kullanılacak ağır silahlarla saldırarak, yaşam hakkı,
özgürlük ve güvenlik hakkı, işkence ve kötü muamele yasağı başta olmak üzere
anayasa ve taraf olduğu uluslararası sözleşmeler ile koruma altına alınmış olan
hemen tüm hak ve özgürlükleri ihlal etmektedir.” ifadelerinde;
“Haftalarca süren sokağa
çıkma yasakları”nın olduğu belirtilmektedir. Sokağa çıkma yasağı, İstanbul Nişantaşı’nda veya Türkiye’deki binlerce
başka mahallede yoktur. Yasak; silahlanan kişilerin vatandaşlara zarar
verilmeden toplum içinden ayıklanması gayesi ile yapılmaktadır. 13 Kasım 2015
tarihli Paris saldırısı sonrasında, sadece Paris’te değil, bütün ülkede
“olağanüstü hâl” ilan eden Fransa yönetiminin “ülke güvenliği” söz konusu
olduğunda bunu yapması meşrulaştırılırken, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kendisine karşı
silahlı ve bombalı saldırılar düzenleyen grupların ilçeleri, kasabaları, mahalleleri,
sokakları, evleri siper ve kalkan etmelerini engellemek için “sokağa çıkma
yasağı” ilan ettiğinde, bunun “meşruiyeti olmayan” bir uygulama olarak
gösterilmesi, göstergedeki yanlışlığı gözler önüne sermektedir.
İnsanları/vatandaşları
fiilen “açlığa ve susuzluğa mahkûm eden”in devlet olmadığı, ilgili yerleşim
birimlerini ve insanlarını kendilerine siper ve kalkan edinenlerin oldukları toplum tarafından açık bir şekilde
bilinmektedir. Devlet değil, dağlardan şehirlere inerek kır gerillası
taktiklerini kent gerillası taktiklerine dönüştürerek İç Savaş çıkartmak ve
yaymak isteyenler insanları/vatandaşları “açlığa ve susuzluğa” mahkûm
etmektedirler.
“Yerleşim yerlerine ancak
bir savaşta kullanılacak ağır silahlarla saldırarak” ifadesi ise kendi içinde
büyük bir çarpıtma bulundurmaktadır.
Devlet “yerleşim yerlerine” değil, “yerleşim yerlerinde gizlenen,
siperlenen ve mevzilenen silahlı/bombalı gruplara” karşı mücadele etmektedir. Devletin
Ordusu ve Polisi; insanları/vatandaşları “canlı kalkan” olarak kullanan
teröristlerin her türlü saldırı ve öldürme aracı ile Devlete ve Topluma saldırmalarına karşı meşru cevap
vermektedir.
Bildiride yer alan “yaşam hakkı”, “özgürlük ve güvenlik
hakkı” ve “işkence ve kötü muamele yasağı” hakları; askeri,
polisi, öğretmeni, imamı, doktoru, hemşireyi, vatandaşları, velhasıl bu ülkenin
insanlarını öldürenlerin çiğnediği haklar değil midir? Bu haklar, eline silah
alanlarca “hiçbir şekilde” ortadan kaldırılmıyorken, bu hakları Devlet ortadan
kaldırıyor olabilir mi? “Ulusal Güvenlik hakkı” olmayan bir yapının nasıl
Devlet olmadığını söylemek mümkünse, kendisine saldıran silahlı güçlere cevap
veremeyen yapı da asla Devlet olamaz.
“Anayasa ve taraf olunan
sözleşmeler”, silahlı gruplara yukarıda sayılan hakları “ortadan kaldırma
hakkı” sunmaz. Devletin ve Toplumun varlığı, burada dile getirilen bütün
haklardan önce, öncelikli ve belirleyicidir. Devlet ve Toplum varlığı olmaz ise
“yaşam hakkı”, “özgürlük ve güvenlik hakkı” ve diğer haklardan bahsetmek mümkün
değildir. Ancak Devletin ve Toplumun varlığı temelinde; her türlü Demokratik ve
Hukuki ölçüler içinde konuşmak, fikirlerini açıklamak, söylem ve eylemlerini gerçekleştirmek,
en önemlisi “var olmak” ve “yaşamak” mümkündür. Devlet ve Toplum varlığı tehdit
altında iken bu hakları Devlet ve Toplum’dan önce savunmak, ontolojik bir
kırılma, geriye düşüş ve yok sayma getirir. Bu, Devletsiz ve Toplumsuz bir
yapıda bireylerin asla var olmayacak “haklarını” aramaktır.
“Bu kasıtlı ve
planlı kıyım Türkiye’nin kendi hukukunun ve Türkiye’nin taraf olduğu
uluslararası antlaşmaların, uluslararası teamül hukukunun ve uluslararası
hukukun emredici kurallarının da ağır bir ihlali niteliğindedir.”
“Kasıtlı” ve “Planlı”
kıyımlar yapmak için programlı saldırılar düzenleyen, barikatlar yığan, patlayıcı
düzenekler kuran, hendekler kazarak tuzaklar oluşturan, suikastler yapan,
bombalar atan, pusular hazırlayan ve her türlü hile ile saldırılar düzenleyen silahlı
grupların değil de, bunlara engel olmak isteyen Devletin suçlanması; “suçu
işleyenin değil, suç işlenmesine engel olmayı isteyenlerin suçlanması” şeklinde
mantık dışı bir durum oluşturur.
“Devletin
başta Kürt halkı olmak üzere tüm bölge halklarına karşı gerçekleştirdiği
katliam ve uyguladığı bilinçli sürgün politikasından derhal vazgeçmesini,
sokağa çıkma yasaklarının kaldırılmasını, gerçekleşen insan hakları
ihlallerinin sorumlularının tespit edilerek cezalandırılmasını, yasağın
uygulandığı yerde yaşayan vatandaşların uğradığı maddi ve manevi zararların
tespit edilerek tazmin edilmesini, bu amaçla ulusal ve uluslararası bağımsız
gözlemcilerin yıkım bölgelerinde giriş, gözlem ve raporlama yapmasına izin
verilmesini talep ediyoruz.”
Başta Kürt halkı olmak
üzere bölgedeki bütün halkları tehdit eden, öldüren, yaşam alanlarını ortadan
kaldıran silahlı grupların, teröristlerin, yani evleri, sokakları, yolları,
mahalleleri kapatarak “savaş bölgeleri oluşturmayı” amaçlayanların değil, bu
uygulamalara engel olmak isteyen Devlet politikalarının suçlanması, isabetsiz bir
bakış açısıdır. Bununla beraber, böylesi silahlı çatışma sürecindeki karmaşık
durumlarda elbette istenmeyen sonuçlar olabilir, bunlar için de gereken hukuki
işlemlerin yapılması Devletten beklenmelidir. Ancak temel olgu şudur: Silahlı
grupların bölgeden uzaklaşması gerçekleşmediği sürece, dile getirilen taleplerin
“gerçek dışı” kaldığını görmektir.
“Müzakere
koşullarının hazırlanmasını ve kalıcı bir barış için çözüm yollarının
kurulmasını, hükümetin Kürt siyasi iradesinin taleplerini içeren bir yol
haritasını oluşturmasını talep ediyoruz.”
Burada ifade edilen
süreçleri ortadan kaldıran siyasi kararlara ve uygulamalara yönelen siyasi
erkleri ve bu erklerin bağlı olduğu “silahlı gücün taleplerini, söylem ve
eylemlerini” göz ardı ederek oluşturulan bu söylem bir çelişkiler yumağıdır. Bildirinin;
8-10 yıldır yürütülmeye çalışılan çözüm adımlarına ve bu çözüm adımlarının Türkiye,
Ortadoğu ve Dünya ölçeğindeki uzantılarına bigane kalması, sağlıklı bir yaklaşım
geliştirilmediğinin açık bir işaretidir. Çözüm adımlarını dikkate almayıp, sorunun
suçlu tarafı olarak “müzakere sürecini” başlatan mevcut iktidarı görmek, hakikate
uygun değildir.
“Müzakere görüşmelerinde
toplumun geniş kesimlerinden bağımsız gözlemcilerin bulunmasını talep ediyor ve
bu gözlemciler arasında gönüllü olarak yer almak istediğimizi beyan ediyoruz.”
“Müzakere görüşmelerinde
toplumun geniş kesimlerinden bağımsız gözlemcilerin bulunmasını talep” eden ve
fakat bu bildiri ile “tarafsız olmadıklarını” açıklayanların “gönüllü olarak
yer almak” isteyebilecekleri görüşmelerin “müzakere görüşmeleri” olması, ortaya
koydukları bu yaklaşım ile mümkün değildir.
“Siyasi
iktidarın muhalefeti bastırmaya yönelik tüm yaptırımlarına karşı çıkıyoruz.”
Bildirinin sahipleri, eğer
mevcut iktidarın “siyaseten muhalefeti” olduklarını beyan etmek istiyor ve bu
iktidarla mücadele etmeyi amaçlıyorlarsa, bunun için Türkiye’deki mevcut sorunlu
konulardan en hassası olarak toplumsal ve siyasal yönleri bulunmasına rağmen
odağında bugün “terör” olan durumu, araçsallaştırmamaları gerekmektedir. Böylesi
bir olasılık ve açıklık; iddia edilen ve savunulanın aksine mevcut durumun
iyileşmesi yönünde değil, bu sürecin “iktidar çatışması malzemesi” yapılarak
daha da şiddetlenmesi, derinleşmesi ve kemikleşmesi yönünde gerilemesine yol
açacaktır.
“Devletin
vatandaşlarına uyguladığı şiddete hemen şimdi son vermesini talep ediyor, bu
ülkenin akademisyen ve araştırmacıları olarak sessiz kalıp bu katliamın suç
ortağı olmayacağımızı beyan ediyor, bu talebimiz yerine gelene kadar siyasi
partiler, meclis ve uluslararası kamuoyu nezdinde temaslarımızı durmaksızın
sürdüreceğimizi taahhüt ediyoruz.”
“Devletin vatandaşlarına
uyguladığı şiddete…” ifadesi ile “Vatandaşlarını öldüren Devlet”
kavramsallaştırması yapmaya çalışan Bildiri, bu metne imza atan
Akademisyenlerin -bütün iyi niyet ihtimalleri içinde dahi- tam da nasıl “sorunu
derinleştiren yapının amaçlarına” alet olacak şekilde konumlandıklarını göstermesi
bakımından kökensel ve varoluşsal bir yanılsamadır. Yanıltılmışların
yanılsaması -bilindiği üzere- yanılsamanın en büyüğüdür.
Nihayetinde bu Bildiri
ile; sağlanmış ve sağlanmakta olan Haklara, parlamenter sistemdeki temsile, son
10 yılda söylem ve eylem alanlarının genişletilmesi ile oluşan Demokratik ve
Hukuki ölçülerdeki her türlü Hak arama olanağına ve her türlü silahlı ve
politik karşı-müdahale içinde dahi oluşturulabilmiş olan resmi ve sivil ölçekli
toplumsal ve kamusal iletişime, ilişkiye, uzlaşıya ve Barış Masası ihtimaline
rağmen, “siyaset yapmak” yerine Silah ile Hak arayabileceğini ve amacını
gerçekleştirebileceğini düşünen yapıya; bu yapının, hiçbir söylem ve eylemine
eleştiri getirme, kınama ve karşı çıkma emaresi göstermeden düşündürücü bir
destek verilmiştir.
İlk cümlesi ile “Bu ülkenin akademisyen ve araştırmacıları olarak bu suça ortak
olmayacağız!” diyerek Devleti ve onun meşruluğunu sağlayan Toplumu “suçlu” gösteren Bildiri,
bu sorunun çözümünde atılacak adımlar için bir öneri mahiyeti taşımamaktadır.
Bildiriye imza atmayan “Bu Ülke”nin binlerce Akademisyeninden ve
Araştırmacısından biri olarak Çözüm için kanaatim; ancak ve sadece Silahsız ve Şiddetsiz Hak
arama alanlarının meşru olduğunu benimseyen, Türkiye’de yaşayan her bir bireyin
farklı talepler içerebilen İnsan Haklarını sağlayan, gözeten ve koruyan ve bu zemin üzerinde tüm ülke vatandaşlarını kapsayan Gerçek ve Kalıcı Barış
için emek veren toplumsal ve siyasal yaklaşımların çözüme katkı sunabileceğidir.
MODERN TURKISH STUDIES SUMMER SCHOOL AT MALTEPE UNIVERSITY - JUNE 5 – JUNE 16, 2016
MODERN TURKISH STUDIES
SUMMER SCHOOL AT MALTEPE UNIVERSITY
Society, Politics and Economy in Modern Turkey
MALTEPE UNIVERSITY
Marmara Eğitim Köyü, Maltepe/Istanbul –
TURKEY
TEL: (0216) 626 1050
JUNE 5 –
JUNE 16, 2016
ISTANBUL
AND BODRUM
3 Credits
(Undergraduate and Graduate)
Coordinator:
Tugrul Keskin
Cell: 533-607-8465
Modern Turkish Studies
Summer School at Maltepe University will take place between JUNE 5th
and JUNE 16th. 2016.
This program will be
held in two parts; the first part is for policy makers, think-tank scholars,
researchers, journalists, freelancers and others.
The second part of the
conference is for undergraduate and graduate students.
The Modern Turkish
Studies Summer Program will be held at Maltepe University in Istanbul, Turkey
and will include lectures on intensive Modern Turkish Politics from diverse
speakers with authentic views. Participants will be welcomed at Maltepe
University located on the Asian side of Istanbul.
Participants will stay
on the university’s beautiful campus, at the five-star university hotel: http://www.marmaotel.com/
The second part of the
program will take place in Bodrum, Mugla: http://www.bodrummarmaotel.com/tr/konum_iletisim.asp
Everyone who would like
to learn more about Modern Turkish Politics should participate; this is an
ideal learning and exchange forum for policy makers, think-tank scholars,
researchers, journalists, freelancers, undergraduate and graduate students.
At the end of the course, you will receive a
Modern Turkish Studies certificate from Maltepe University. Undergraduate and
gradate students will also receive 3 undergraduate or graduate course
credits.
Breakfast, lunch,
dinner, accommodations and transportation (within Turkey) are all included.
The Program Fee is $1950
includes tuition/ fees, accommodations, food (breakfast, lunch and dinner), and
local transportation. Additional participant expenses not included are airfare
(to Turkey), visa fees, and personal expenses.
APPLICATION
DEADLINE: APRIL 4, 2016
PROGRAM
|
|
MORNING SCHEDULE
10:00 – 12:00
|
AFTERNOON SCHEDULE
14:00 – 16:00
|
|
1ST
DAY
Sunday
JUNE 5, 2016
|
Arrival
at Maltepe University hotel (Marma Otel)
|
Welcome
Dinner at the Hotel
Hosted
by Sahin Karasar,
President
of Maltepe University
|
|
2ND
DAY
Monday
JUNE 6, 2016
|
Subject:
INTRODUCTION
TO MODERN TURKISH POLITICAL HISTORY
Speaker:
FEROZ AHMED
|
Subject:
RELIGION
AND SOCIETY IN MODERN TURKEY
Speaker:
BAHATTIN AKSIT
Director
of Graduate School of Social Sciences at Maltepe University
(PhD
University of Chicago, 1981)
|
|
3RD
DAY
Tuesday
JUNE 7, 2016
|
Subject:
THE
REPUBLICAN PEOPLE’S PARTY (CHP)
Speaker:
YUNUS EMRE
Istanbul
Kultur University
(PhD
Bosphorus University, 2011) y.emre@iku.edu.tr
|
Subject:
THE
JUSTICE AND DEVELOPMENT PARTY (AKP)
Speaker:
TALIP KUCUKCAN
Parliamentarian
– Adana-AKP
(PhD University of Warwick, 2001) talipkucukcan@gmail.com
|
|
4TH
DAY
Wednesday
JUNE 8, 2016
|
Subject:
NATIONALIST
MOVEMENT PARTY (MHP)
Speaker:
ÜMIT ÖZDAĞ
Parliamentarian
– Gaziantep- MHP
(PhD
Gazi University, 1990)
|
Subject:
THE PEOPLES’ DEMOCRATIC PARTY
(HDP)
Speaker:
Representative of the Peoples’
Democratic Party
|
|
5TH
DAY
Thursday
JUNE 9, 2016
|
Subject:
TURKISH
FOREIGN POLICY
Speaker:
SABAN KARDAS
Director
of ORSAM and TOBB University
(PhD
University of Utah, 2009)
|
Subject:
TURKEY
AND THE ARAB WORLD
Speaker:
AHMET UYSAL
Marmara
University – Institute of the Middle East
(PhD
Southern
Illinois University,
2003)
Founder
and General Coordinator of ATCOSS The Arab-Turkish Congress of Social
Sciences since 2010
|
|
6th
Day
Friday
JUNE 10, 2016
|
Subject:
DEMOCRACY IN TURKEY
Speaker:
ALI RESUL USUL (INVITED)
Center
for Strategic Research at the Turkish Foreign Ministry
(PhD
University of Essex, 2001)
|
Roundtable
Discussion on Turkish Foreign Policy
|
|
7th
Day
Saturday
JUNE 11, 2016
|
Departure
to Bodrum, Turkey
|
|
|
8th
Day
Sunday
JUNE 12, 2016
|
Subject:
CHINA
(PRC) AND TURKEY
Speaker:
TUGRUL KESKIN
Maltepe
University
(PhD
Virginia Tech, 2009)
|
Roundtable
Discussion on China (PRC) and Turkey
Moderated
by TUGRUL KESKIN
|
|
9th
Day
Monday
JUNE 13, 2016
|
Subject:
THE CAUCUSES, RUSSIA AND TURKEY
Speaker: HASAN ALI KARASAR
Atilim University
(PhD Bilkent University, 2002)
|
Roundtable
Discussion on Russia and Turkey
Moderated
by HASAN ALI KARASAR
|
|
10th
Day
Tuesday
JUNE 14, 2016
|
Subject:
USA
AND TURKEY
Speaker: SEAN
FOLLEY
Middle
Tennessee State University, USA
OR
GEOFFREY
GRESH
National
Defense University, USA
|
Roundtable
Discussion on the USA and Turkey
Moderated
by SEAN FOLLEY
OR
GEOFFREY
GRESH
|
|
11th
Day
Wednesday
JUNE 15, 2016
|
Subject:
TURKEY
AND EUROPE
Associate
Professor BARIŞ DOSTER Marmara University, Turkey
|
Roundtable
Discussion on Europe and Turkey
Moderated
by BARIŞ DOSTER
|
|
12th
Day
Thursday
JUNE 16, 2016
|
Return
to Istanbul
|
Accommodation
in Istanbul
|
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)